Pius II (Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini) the Humanist Pope

PIUS

POPE PIUS II

POPE PIUS II

BUST ATTRIBUTED TO PAOLO ROMANO
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PIUS II

AENEAS SILVIUS PIGGOLOMINI)
THE HUMANIST POPE

BY

CECILIA M. ADY

AUTHOR OF "A HISTORY OF MILAN UNDER THE SFORZA

WITH SIXTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS

METHUEN & GO. LTD.

36 ESSEX STREET W. G.

LONDON

First Published in

TO

MY MOTHER

IN MEMORY OF HAPPY DAYS IN ITALY

PREFACE

IN every period of the world's history it is the intel
lectual and spiritual ideals which give character to
the age. This is profoundly true of the Renaissance.
The contrast between the mediaeval and the modern world
has often been too sharply drawn, but nevertheless the
fact remains that Italy in the fifteenth century was the
exponent of a new intellectual ideal. Humanism is the
child of the Renaissance, although the causes which brought
it into being have their root far back in the Middle Ages.
Humanism, moreover, is the controlling force which lies
behind every aspect of Renaissance life. The highly
civilised society, the political aspirations, the artistic and
literary development of that marvellous age alike find
their source in the humanist spirit. Many gloried in the
name of humanist — great educators such as Guarino and
Vittorino da Feltre, scholars such as Poggio and Aretino,
Filelfo and Aurispa, to say nothing of the countless men
of action, princes, warriors, and statesmen who were at
once the pupils and the patronsv of the men of letters.
Yet among all that goodly company there is no fuller
manifestation of humanism than that presented by ^Eneas
Silvius Piccolomini. There were greater scholars than he,
and more brilliant statesmen ; but he belonged both to
the intellectuals and to the men of action. He was the
exponent of the good life, as conceived by the humanists,

vii

viii POPE PIUS II

and he was also able to realise it in his own career. For
the ideal of these Renaissance philosophers was no scholar's
Utopia. The chosen test of their system was its value in
practical life, and its object was the training of the states
man, the perfect adaptation of the individual to the great
society in which he must play his part.

Thus the story of ^Eneas Silvius affords unique insight
into the phase of thought which we call humanism. It
provides at once a clue to its meaning and an opportunity
of estimating its value in the history of civilisation. From
the day when the eager lad of eighteen left his home among
the hills of Southern Tuscany to become a student at the
University of Siena the gleaming banner of humanism was
ever before his eyes. A ready pen and a persuasive tongue
formed his chief equipment for the battle of life, and his
rise by these means to the Papal throne is one of the most
conspicuous triumphs of the new learning. The six years
of his pontificate give us a practical example of the applica
tion of Renaissance ideals to politics. In Pius n's wise
government of the States of the Church, and in his handling
of the ecclesiastical problems of the day, we see the strength
of humanism. His death at Ancona, on the eve of his
departure for the East, and the shattering of his great
crusading schemes show the limitations of humanism,
which could not rekindle the vanished enthusiasms of
Europe.

The chief authority for the subject is throughout
.Eneas Silvius himself. His letters, his histories, his essays,
and above all that fascinating autobiography of his Papacy,
the Commentaries, are one long process of self -revelation.
From them we learn much of contemporary persons and
events, but still more of their author. The view of life

PREFACE ix

which they set forth is half cynical, half humorous, and
wholly individual. Tolerant of human frailty and keenly
alive to natural beauty, ^Eneas reveals himself in his
writings as a man who has found the wrorld a pleasant
place, in spite of drawbacks, and who would fain share his
joy with others.

The greater part of ^Eneas's works are to be found in
print, but they are scattered among various unprepossessing
and none too accessible volumes, dating from the fifteenth
to the eighteenth century. From these it has been my
task to unearth them, and the chief merit that I would
claim for this biography is that it is based upon a study
of the hero's own writings. Dr. Rudolf Wolkan, in Der
Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, which is still in
process of publication, has done vaulable service in collect
ing and editing the letters of ^Eneas Silvius in an authori
tative form. He has ransacked the archives of Italy and
Germany in search of manuscripts, and the result of his
labours has been the collection of no less than 1263 letters
belonging to the pre-Papal period, as against the 559
letters known to Voigt. For the history of Pius n's
pontificate, I, in common with all students of Papal history,
owe much to the valuable collection of diplomatic docu
ments contained in Dr. Pastor's History of the Popes.
Georg Voigt's Enea Silvio de Piccolomini als Papst Pius II
und sein Zeitalter still holds its own as the standard work of
reference for the life and times of ^Eneas Silvius. It is a
monument of learning, and an almost inexhaustible mine
of information, although the author, like the Germans of
the fifteenth century, is unable to judge fairly of a character
that is essentially Latin. The majority of other writers
have flown to the opposite extreme, and have accepted

x POPE PIUS II

^Eneas at his own valuation. Dr. Creighton, however, has
approached this subtle character-study with penetrating
insight, and has appreciated .ZEneas even while he criticised
him. His essay on ^Eneas Silvius, and the volume of the
History of the Papacy which treats of his career, can hardly
fail to be the inspiration of all future work on the subject.

In conclusion, I would thank all those who have helped
me both with regard to the letterpress and to the illustra
tions. The portrait of Pius n which forms the frontispiece
is from a contemporary bust in the Borgia Apartments of
the Vatican. The name of the sculptor is not known, but
there is good reason for supposing it to be the work of
Paolo Romano, who was certainly employed by Pius n.
It is reproduced here for the first time, and my thanks are
due to Signer Francesco Cagiati for enabling me to obtain a
photograph. The medals and coins reproduced opposite
page 1 80 are from casts taken in the British Museum
through the kindness of Mr. G. F. Hill. I should also like
to express my thanks to Conte Silvio and Contessa Picco-
lomini for their hospitality during a golden day at Pienza ;
to Conte Francesco Bandini-Piccolomini for the assistance
which he rendered to me in Siena; and to Signor Attilio
Boni for his information with regard to the transference of
the body of Pius n to its final resting-place in the Church
of S. Andrea della Valle.

CECILIA M. ADY

S. HUGH'S COLLEGE, OXFORD
September 1913

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA . . i

II. TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS . . .26

III. THE COUNCIL OF BASEL , . . • 49

IV. THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY . . . -73
V. THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III . . .98

VI. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE . . .120

VII. THE PAPAL ELECTION . . . . .142

VIII. THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA . . . . 157

IX. Pius II AND ITALY . . . . .182

X. Pius II AND EUROPE ..... 206

XI. THE PAPAL COURT ..... 236

XII. PlENZA AND THE PlCCOLOMINI .... 2$9

XIII. THE MAN OF LETTERS ..... 280

XIV. PlUS II AND THE CRUSADE .... 304

XV. THE LAST JOURNEY ..... 326

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 349

INDEX .... . . • 357

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

BUST OF POPE Pius II. ATTRIBUTED TO PAOLO ROMANO IN

THE BORGIO APARTMENTS, VATICAN . Frontispiece

FACING PAGE

PlENZA . . . . . . 6

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

/ENEAS SILVIUS SETS OUT FOR THE COUNCIL OF BASEL.
FROM THE FRESCO BY PINTORICCHIO IN THE PICCOLO-
MINI LIBRARY, SIENA . . . . .26

Photograph by BROGI, Florence

SILVIUS RECEIVES THE POET'S CROWN FROM FRED
ERICK III. FROM THE FRESCO BY PINTORICCHIO IN

THE PlCCOLOMINI LIBRARY, SlENA . . 74

Photograph by BROGI, Florence

SILVIUS PRESENTS LEONORA OF PORTUGAL TO
FREDERICK III. FROM THE FRESCO BY PINTORICCHIO IN

THE PlCCOLOMINI LIBRARY, SlENA . . .114

Photograph by BROGI, Florence

THE SULTAN MAHOMET II. FROM THE PORTRAIT BY

GENTILE BELLINI IN THE LA YARD COLLECTION, VENICE 126
Photograph by ALINARI, Florence

CORONATION OF Pius II. FROM BOOK-COVER OF THE

BlCCHERNA, 1460, IN THE STATE ARCHIVES, SlENA . 152

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

MEDAL AND GOLD DUCAT OF Pius II, IN THE BRITISH

MUSEUM . . . . . . .180

PALAZZO PICCOLOMINI, PIENZA .... 204

Photograph by AUNARI, Florence

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Xlll

CATHEDRAL (FA£ADE), PIENZA.

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

LOGGIA DEL PAPA, SIENA

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

CATHEDRAL (INTERIOR), PIENZA

Photograph by ALINARI, Florence

FACING PAGE

. 236

266

272

COPE PRESENTED TO PlUS II BY THOMAS PALAEOLOGUS, IN

THE PIENZA MUSEUM . . . 278

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

WELL-HEAD IN THE PALAZZO PICCOLOMINI, PIENZA . . 302

Photograph by LOMBARDI, Siena

Pius II AT ANCONA. FROM THE FRESCO BY PINTORICCHIO

IN THE PICCOLOMINI LIBRARY, SIENA . . . 332

Photograph by BROGI, Florence

TOMB OF Pius II. IN THE CHURCH OF S. ANDREA DELLA

VALLE, ROME ...... 340

Photograph by BROGI, Florence

'SILVAKUM AMATOR ET VARIA YIDENDI COPIOUS

Pll II, Commentarti, lib. ix

PIUS II

CHAPTER I
THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA

" r | -\ HERE rises in the Val d'Orcia a hill, crowned by
a plateau about a mile long, and much less than a
1 mile wide. Here, on a spur which looks towards
the rising sun in winter, lies a town of small repute, yet
possessed of salubrious air, and well furnished with wine and
provisions of every kind." l So wrote Pope Pius n, the
condottiere of letters who had won his way to greatness by
means of a persuasive tongue and a ready pen, of his native
Corsignano, the town which he was to adorn and ennoble,
and to stamp with the undying impress of his personality
under the name of Pienza.

The description is modest enough, yet apart from its
illustrious son there is little or nothing that is remarkable
about Pienza. Some three miles to the west runs the Via
Francigena — the way of the Franks to Rome — and along
that great high road the countless stream of conquerors
and pilgrims came and went, leaving the remote Tuscan
townlet unnoticed and unvisited. To-day Pienza is still
farther removed from the highway of traffic. Its nearest
link with the cosmopolitan world lies fifteen miles to the
east in the Chiana valley, where trains with their freight of
tourists halt at the wayside station of Montepulciano. Few

1 Pii Sccundi Pont. Max., Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 44 (Frankfurt,
1614).

I

2 POPE PIUS II

of these modern conquerors leave the beaten track to ascend
even the steep hill-side, on the summit of which towers the
fortress-city of Montepulciano. Fewer still penetrate across
the bare tract of country which separates Montepulciano
from Pienza. Yet for a little company of adventurers the
way is not too far, and the motive of their perseverance has
its source in an earlier pilgrimage. On a day in February
1459, the Roman Pontiff, going with cardinals and princes
in his train to meet the rulers of the Christian world in
conference at Mantua, turned aside from the great highway
to visit the home of his childhood. Only a few months
earlier, /Eneas Silvius Piccolomini had mounted the throne
of S. Peter under the title of Pius n, and he determined that
his native village should share his new-found glory. In the
course of a three days' visit the scheme was made which
gave Pienza its title to fame. As the birthplace of /Eneas
Silvius the name of Corsignano might perhaps have survived
in history. As the object of his filial love Pienza remains
a unique specimen of Renaissance architecture, with its
cathedra] and episcopal palace, its Palazzo Pubblico and
Palazzo Piccolomini grouped round the tiny Piazza Pio
Secondo, a single artistic whole. The atmosphere of the
country is, even to-day, that of the Middle Ages. It is a
land of ruined fortresses, bleak hills, and uncompromising
ash-grey soil.1 Yet here amid mediaeval surroundings rises
Pienza, a fair flower of the Renaissance planted by one who
was the living embodiment of the spirit of his age.

The origin of Pienza' s greatness dates from the opening
of the fifteenth century, when it formed the refuge of
a decayed Sienese noble and his family, representatives
of the once illustrious house of Piccolomini. In the
thirteenth century, that hey-day of municipal prosperity,
the Piccolomini ranked among the leading families of Siena.
Closely allied with the proud house of Tolomei, which
claimed descent from the Ptolemies of Egypt, they belonged

1 Gagnoni Schippisi (Terre Toscane, Firenze, 1902) describes the Val
d'Orcia.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 3

to the class of merchant nobles whose high birth formed no
obstacle to their pursuit of business. To men such as these
Siena owed her most signal triumphs both in war and
commerce. As merchants, they enriched the city with the
proceeds of their traffic in the marts of Europe ; as warriors,
they upheld the honour of the Republic in the unending
struggle with its Florentine rival. So long as they had
their share in the responsibilities and glories of the city-
State, both Siena and these noble families prospered.
When, however, towards the end of the thirteenth century,
the nobles were ousted from the government, not only did
the military efficiency of Siena suffer, but the nobles,
deprived of their occupation, spent themselves and their
substance in private feuds. The Piccolomini experienced
to the full the evil days which had fallen upon the nobility.
In the course of some hundred years they had sunk to a
condition little short of destitution ; their vast possessions
round Siena were all lost, and Silvius Posthumus, on
succeeding to the family inheritance, found that it was
practically limited to Corsignano. Here, in the retirement
of his own estate, poverty seemed easier to face than in
Siena. Having taken to himself a wife — Vittoria Forte-
guerra — as aristocratic and as impecunious as himself, he
settled upon this barren property, and on S. Luke's Day
(18 Oct.) 1405 a son was born to him who was to revive the
ancient glories of his race.

The childhood of ^Eneas Silvius is not without its
inevitable background of wonder. Platina, in his life of
Pius n, thus relates the dream which troubled Vittoria
before the birth of her son : " Now his Mother when
she was big with Child dreamed that she had brought
forth a Boy with a Mitre on his head ; at which she was
afraid (as people are apt to make the worst of things) that
her dream betokened some dishonour to their Child and
Family ; nor could she be eased of her fear till she heard
that her Son was made Bishop of Trieste. And upon that
news she was freed from all fear, and gave God thanks that

4 POPE PIUS II

she saw her Son more happy than she expected." l When
the little ^neas was three years old he fell from a high wall
and made a miraculous recovery. A few years later the
children of Corsignano played a game in which ^Eneas was
crowned Pope and received the homage of his companions.
At the age of eight he was tossed by a bull and suffered no
injury.2 Apart from these incidents the child grew up
among surroundings that were commonplace and even
sordid. Vittoria was the mother of no less than eighteen
children, of whom several died in infancy, and only ^Eneas
and his two sisters — Laudomia and Caterina — eventually
survived. At a time when there were some ten small
children to support, grinding poverty must have been the
distinguishing feature of the Piccolomini household. Silvius
Posthumus could only provide for his family by himself
undertaking the cultivation of his estates, which lay for
the most part on that strange chalky soil to be found
among the volcanic hills of Southern Tuscany. In outward
appearance it is unprepossessing enough, especially where
the rains have furrowed grey and white gullies on the hill
sides, or where the loosely-knit earth has crumbled into
fantastically shaped knolls and lumps. Yet unremitting
toil can make this country enormously productive, as may
be seen at Monte Oliveto not many miles away, where the
labours of generations of monks have transformed a barren
hill-side into a smiling garden. The modern road from
Montepulciano to Pienza passes at first through undulating
well-wooded country, while, here and there, a break in the
woods affords a view over the smiling Chiana valley.
Gradually, however, the woods disappear, and the land
scape grows sterner. Only an occasional farm with its
circle of ricks, or a solitary oak bent by the wind, breaks
the prevailing desolation. The Val di Chiana has given
place to the bleak grandeur of the Val d'Orcia. Finally

1 Platina, B., Lives of the Popes, p. 389 (Rycaut's Translation, London,
1688).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 2.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 5

the road reaches the plateau on which Pienza itself stands,
and the rough sign-posts, which proclaim the land on either
side of the way to be the property of the Piccolomini, call
up a vivid picture of the scenes amidst which ^Eneas and
his father laboured.

South of Pienza the ground falls away abruptly into the
valley, and on the extreme edge of the plateau, overlooking
the vines and olives which cover the slope, stood the old
house of the Piccolomini. From this spot the whole
panorama of the Val d'Orcia spreads itself before the eye.
Below, over its chalky bed, winds the river from which the
valley takes its name — here slow and serpent-like, there
with the force and rapidity of a torrent. On the opposite
bank tower the majestic heights of Monte Amiata, the
grandest of all the Tuscan hills, her slopes clad with groves
of oak and beech and chestnut, her summit veiled in a
wreath of cloud. Southward runs the road to Rome,
bearing with it a thousand memories and myriad dreams.
To the north, countless gentle hills crowned with city or
fortress lose themselves in the blue distance, and among
them that which boasts the fairest crown of all — Siena, the
City of the Virgin, poised as a bird ready for flight. For
eighteen years this threefold prospect in all its variety of
light and shade formed part of the daily life of the future
Pope, moulding in a hundred unsuspected ways his
peculiarly impressionable and sensuous nature. Surely
it is no stretch of imagination to see in this view from his
father's house the epitome of ^Eneas Silvius's career. Siena
was the mother- city from whence he sprang, the centre of
his deep patriotic feeling, and at the same time the unnatural
parent who had thrust forth the Piccolomini from her
gates. The mingled sentiments of pride and bitterness
with which the young y£neas must have gazed on her dim
outline were produced in every phase of his subsequent
relations with the Republic. Rome, on the other hand,
must needs be the ultimate goal of one who united the
ambitions of a humanist and an ecclesiastic. Not until

6 POPE PIUS II

^Eneas had settled in Rome as a Cardinal was he able to
obtain access to the books for which he had longed since his
student-days. In Rome alone lay the sure path of ecclesi
astical preferment. Yet when the strivings of a lifetime had
been crowned with success and ^Eneas sat on the Papal
throne, his chief pleasure was to escape from Rome, and to
seek relief from the burden of his cares amid the scenes of
his childhood. Each year as the spring came round, that
" lover of forests, and eager sight-seer," 1 as he called him
self, set out on his travels ; and well as he learned to
appreciate the beauties of the Papal States, it was to his
beloved Tuscan contado that his steps most readily turned.
Of all his country wanderings, none afforded him such
entire delight as the summer spent on Monte Amiata, in the
ancient Abbey of S. Salvatore, where, far removed from the
heat and turmoil of the valley, he could picnic beside a
running stream beneath the shade of the chestnut trees,
and fancy himself already in Paradise.

The elder Piccolomini had spent some years in Milan
at the Court of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, and was not with
out education or knowledge of the world. To him ^Eneas
owed his early training, supplemented by the instruction
of the village priest, who ministered to his flock in the
ancient Pieve of SS. Vito e Modesto. The little dark
church with its round tower is still standing in the fields
outside the town, proud in the possession of a font from
which two Popes received baptism.2 From the first,
^Eneas threw himself eagerly into his studies, devoting all
his spare moments to his books. " Yet what literary
education could he obtain," asks Gregorio Lolli, " there,
buried in the country, without books or teachers ? " 3
Silvius and Vittoria realised that their son was worthy of a
better education than Corsignano could offer, and they

1 " Silvarum amator, et varia videndi cupidus " (Commentarii, lib. ix.
p. 217).

2 Pius ii and his nephew Pius in.

3 Gregorio Lolli to the Cardinal of Pavia, Cardinalis Papiensis Epistolae,
Ep. 47 (printed in Commentarii, Pii u, pp. 492-5).

r-r. (

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 7

determined to send him to the University of Siena. The
effort was well worth making, for once ^Eneas had graduated
in jurisprudence he would have an assured means of liveli
hood as a lawyer. Moreover, Silvius's half-sister Barto-
lomea l had married Niccol6 Lolli, a citizen of Siena, and
by lodging under their roof ^Eneas could reduce the ex
penses of his University career to the lowest possible figure.
Thus it came about that in 1423 ^Eneas turned his back
upon the old house on the hill-side, and took the northern
road to Siena, there to plunge into the vivid life of an
Italian University. From that time forward ^Eneas's lot
was cast far from Corsignano. There is, in fact, no record
of his return to his native village from the day that he left
it as a lad of eighteen until he entered it in 1459 as the head
of Christendom. Yet throughout the crowded years in
which lie rose from obscurity to greatness, the memory of
his Tuscan home was never allowed to fade. Strong
family affection, love of home, and joy in the pleasures
of country-life were fundamental to his nature. After
he became Pope, the humanist Campano found a sure way
to please and distract him when he composed a verse
playing upon the Christian names of the Piccolomini
parents. Pius n, he said, was distinguished by his love of
the woods and his delight in travel, as well as by a glorious
career of conquest. What else could be expected in the
son of Silvius and Vittoria ?

Quod victore Pio fieri tot proelia cernis,

Invalidasque suis hostibus esse manus ;

Ne mirere : Pium peperit victoria mater

Matris ab uberibus vincere sic didicit.

Quod placeant silvae, et magnum lustraverit orbem

Silvius hac genuit conditione pater.

Jure igitur latae spaciatur, et omnia vincit,

Patris obire orbem, vincere matris habet.2

1 Bartolomea's father was a Tolomei. She and Silvius had the same
mother.

2 Commentarii, lib. ix. p. 217 . " Do not marvel if you see Pius
victorious in every battle, and the strength of his enemies of no avail.

8 POPE PIUS II

When ^Eneas came to Siena in 1423, the fair Tuscan city
must have teemed with new and thrilling experiences for
the country-bred boy. Since the overthrow of foreign rule
on the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, Siena had gradually
settled down to a period of peace and revived prosperity
in which the fury of party-strife was abated. The nobility
had been reduced to a state of impotence which disarmed
suspicion, with the result that some of the minor offices in
the Republic were thrown open to the Gentiluomini. Indeed,
the new Government included four out of the five Monti
or factions, which had vied with each other for supreme
power in the State during the fourteenth century. Only
the Dodicini were wholly excluded, a faction composed
of small tradesmen and notaries who have been de
scribed as " the worst rulers that ever held sway over
this ill-governed State." l They now reaped the reward
of having helped to betray their city to Visconti, and
an annual festival was instituted to celebrate their over
throw. Owing to this settlement, Siena had never
seemed gayer, more splendid, or more prosperous than
when this young scion of the Piccolomini entered her
gates. The forces to which she owed her supremacy
were not abated, while the spirit of the early
Renaissance had come to crown her with a new magni
ficence.

From the first distant view of her forest of towers,
" ten times more numerous than those of S. Gemignano
to-day," 2 there was everything in Siena's outward appear
ance to attract the eye and fire the patriotic pride of
^Eneas Silvius. Few cities in Europe at that time boasted
more splendid buildings, few were cleaner or better ordered,
nowhere had the civic spirit fuller manifestation. The

Pius was born of his mother Vittoria, and from his mother's womb he
learned to conquer. If the woods delight him and he traverses the
great world, his father Silvius begat him with this disposition. His
father impels him to encompass the globe, his mother to conquer."
1 Langton Douglas, History of Siena (London, 1902), p. 153.

~ Op. dt., p. 122.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 9

building of the Duomo, most famous and most character
istic of Siena's monuments, had from the first been carried
out under the auspices of the Republic. The body of the
church dated from the thirteenth century, but the facade
had not been completed fifty years when ^Eneas saw it.
As to the chief wonder of the Duomo, the pavement pictures,
some of the earliest among them were even then in process
of execution.1 Next in importance to the Duomo stood
the great Palazzo Pubblico with its soaring tower. There
on the Piazza del Campo, at the centre of Siena's life, it
showed itself the true parent of the surrounding palaces,
which were planned after the same design. Scattered up
and down the city were the Fountains, the favourite meeting-
places of both politicians and lovers. On all sides were
signs that in the days of her greatness the citizens of
Siena had placed the glory of the Republic above per
sonal ambitions. In the fifteenth century the great days
were over, and a long period of faction and misrule had
undermined the very foundations of the State. Yet the
traditions of an earlier age still survived. Great public
institutions such as the Hospital of Santa Maria della Scala
were under communal management, and the University itself
was a child of the Republic, its professors being chosen and
paid by the State. The pride of the Sienese in their city
also showed itself in such practical matters as the con
dition of the streets. Early in the fourteenth century the
main thoroughfares were paved with brick, and the side-
streets with stones, while crooked alleys were gradually
made straight, and narrow lanes widened or closed. There
were strict laws against blocking up the main streets with
tables or tents, and against throwing water or refuse out
of the windows. Moreover, every citizen was bound on
pain of a fine to sweep the space in front of his own house at

1 The series of Old Testament subjects on the pavement below the
high altar, of which " King David with Four Musicians " forms the
central picture, were executed in the years 1423-4. Cf. R. Hobart Cust,
Tlie Pavement Masters of Siena.

io POPE PIUS II

least once a week.1 Thus in many ways Siena was a model
to other cities of the day. Generations of citizens had made
her beauty and orderliness their peculiar pride, while Nature
had employed her subtlest arts to crown her loveliness.
What wonder if ^Eneas lost his heart to Siena at first
sight, or if in spite of friction and disappointment
she remained to the last his beloved city — " dulcissima
patria." 2

The University of Siena, which ^Eneas now entered as a
student, boasted honourable and ancient traditions. Since
the year 1240 at any rate it had existed as a fully organised
University, and the Republic had been at pains to strengthen
its teaching staff by inviting professors from other Universi
ties to occupy Chairs at Siena.3 Nevertheless, it stood at
this moment somewhat outside the main current of learning
in Italy. When the spirit of humanism was alive and
abroad, and men turned to classical literature as to the
very fountain of life, Siena still clung to the traditions of
the mediaeval curriculum. The Seven Liberal Arts were
regarded as the gateway to the three great Sciences — Law,
Medicine, and Theology, — and it was to the study of the
first of these that the energies of the University were chiefly
directed. Classical teachers there were, of course. ^Eneas,
we are told, learned grammar from Antonio da Arezzo, and
rhetoric from Mattia Lupi of S. Gemignano and Giovanni
da Spoleto.4 Yet none of these men were scholars of the
first rank ; they were grammarians rather than humanists
in the scope and method of their teaching. The spirit of
humanism was, however, by no means absent from Siena.
If the professed teachers of the classics were dull to the new

1 Cf. Langton Douglas, op. cit., pp. 105-31, " Life in Old Siena " ; Hey-
wood, Palio and Ponte, p. 65.

2 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 40.

3Cf. Douglas, op. cit., p. 117. Rashdall (Universities of Europe in the
Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 34) says of Siena, " The most remarkable feature
of this University throughout its history is the closeness of its dependence
upon the town."

4 Cardinalis Papiensis Epistolae, Ep. 47.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA n

learning, there were others in the University who had been
profoundly influenced by it. Chief among these was the
Professor of Jurisprudence, Mariano de' Sozzini. Although
a renowned jurist and the author of many weighty volumes
on Civil and Canon Law, he had contrived in the intervals
of his professional labours to steep himself in the literature
of antiquity. He it was who first opened our hero's eyes
to the great world of letters. Through Sozzini, ^Eneas
learned something of what it meant to glory in the name of
humanist.

The Professor of Jurisprudence, with his versatile
talents and his boundless enthusiasm, was pre-eminently
fitted to be an inspirer of youth, ^neas, on his side,
ardent, impressionable, unflagging in his energy, must have
been an ideal pupil. He succumbed completely to Sozzini's
spell, and has left a portrait of him in one of his letters which
proclaims in every line the influence which the elder man
exercised over the younger. " Nature," writes ^Eneas
of Mariano Sozzini,1 " denied him nothing but stature.
He is a little man and should belong to my family, which
has the surname of Piccolomini (parvorum hominum). He
is a man of eloquence and is versed in both Civil and Canon
Law ; he has a knowledge of universal history and is a skilful
poet, composing songs in both Latin and Tuscan. He is as
learned in philosophy as Plato, and in geometry as Boetius,
while in arithmetic he may be compared with Macrobius.
He is a stranger to no musical instrument, and knows
almost as much of agriculture as Vergil. While the strength
of youth remained in his limbs he was another Entellus ;
master in the games, he could not be surpassed in running,
jumping, or boxing. ... If the gods had bequeathed to
him stature and immortality he would himself have been a
god. Yet no mortal man is endowed with every gift, and I
know no one who lacks fewer than he." To these manifold
talents were added " the moral qualities which rule and

Silvius to Kaspar Schlick, Vienna, 1444 (Wolkan, Der Brief -
wechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, pt. i. vol. i. ep. 153).

12 POPE PIUS II

guide others." Sozzini was no mere scholar, but an active
citizen, whose sound judgment, ready hospitality, and
agreeable manners earned for him the esteem of his fellows.
' While I was in Siena," concludes his admiring pupil,
" I loved him above all others, and separation has not
diminished my affection."

Humanism is an intangible expression, chiefly because
its essence lies less in any new system of learning than in a
new way of regarding life. The humanist aimed above all
things at producing a fresh type of individual, and thus a
description of character such as ^Eneas gives of his Univer-
versity professor affords perhaps the best clue to the mean
ing of humanism as a whole. The ideal of every true
humanist was the complete citizen, an individual equipped
in the fullest possible way to play his part in the world.
Sozzini with his social gifts and his interest in public affairs
stands in marked contrast to the unpractical bookworm,
ignorant of the simplest matters of everyday life and
" incapable of ruling either the commonwealth or the
household." 1 Learning, to the humanist, is not an end in
itself, it is a means of acquiring wisdom and judgment,
and it must be viewed always in the light of its value in
the world of action. Or, as y£neas himself expressed it
in later years, " The model of all good living is to be found
in the study of Letters." 2 The practical aims of humanism
naturally made expression a matter of first importance.
Eloquentia, taken in its widest sense to include style, oratory,
and every form of literary expression, must be cultivated
at all costs, because without it learning is but a dead thing,
incommunicable and ineffective. This attention to ex
pression descends even to such minute details as the question
of handwriting. " It is no credit to the great Alfonso,"
wrote ^Eneas of the ruler of Naples, " that his signature
was most like the traces of a worm crawling over the

1 Wolkan, Ep. 153.

2 ^neas Silvius to Sigismund, Count of Tyrol, 5 Dec, 1443 (Wolkan,
Ep. 99) : " Omnis bene vivendi norma litterarum studio continetur."

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 13

paper." 1 With regard to Sozzini, he draws attention not
only to his good literary style and conversational powers,
but to the fact that " nothing could be clearer or more
immaculate than the manuscripts written with his own
hand." 2 Sozzini's athletic prowess, also, was in entire
conformity with the humanist ideal. The complete citizen
must aim at perfection of body as well as of mind, and such
matters as bearing, gesture, dress, courtesy, no less than
actual physical exercises, must find a place in his scheme of
education. Above all, this new type of individual must
possess the art of enjoying life. The mists of the Middle
Ages had rolled away, and the great world had revealed
itself, no longer as an evil to be shunned, but as a thing
of wonder and beauty, to be enjoyed and understood to the
uttermost. " The rediscovery of the world and the re
discovery of man." This is what we understand by the
Renaissance, and this is the secret which first unfolded
itself to ^Eneas Silvius when he hung on the lips of Mariano
Sozzini in Siena.

If humanism was primarily a new point of view, there
was nothing intangible or uncertain about the means of
attaining it. The humanists were confident that their
ideal had once been realised in the ancient world, and that
the entrance into their heritage lay through the gateway of
classical literature. In ^Eneas's case there was no intelli
gent classical tutor to guide his reading, yet Sozzini had
supplied the inspiration which set his feet in the right
direction, and for the rest " he studied more under dead
teachers than under living." Cicero, Vergil, Livy, " and
other princes of the Latin tongue," themselves became his
teachers. With a passion strong enough to overcome all
obstacles, he set himself to acquire the distinguished educa
tion which would admit him into the great freemasonry of
learning. Niccold and Bartolomea Lolli had a son Gregorio

1 De Liberorum Educatione (Opera, Basel, 1571, pp. 965-91). Cf. also
Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre, etc.
2Wolkan, Ep. 153.

14 POPE PIUS II

— or Goro as he was commonly called — who was a fellow-
student with ^Eneas at the University. In later years this
Goro Lolli became a Papal secretary, and was one of the
little circle of friends who attended Pius n on his death
bed. Shortly afterwards he wrote a letter 1 to another of
Pius ii 's intimates — Cardinal Jacopo Ammanati — in which
he gives his reminiscences of student-days in Siena when
Jineas was living in his father's house and sharing, in all
probability, his own room, ^neas's work, Goro tells us,
was done chiefly at home, and here he would sit day and
night poring over his books " with such diligence that he
hardly allowed himself food or sleep." He made a practice
of doing without supper three times a week for the sake of
economy, and at other times he would be so intent on his
studies that he forgot to eat. " In the morning he rose
before daybreak, and he took his books with him when he
went to bed, in order that the time between waking and sleep
ing should not be lost to study." One night the tired
student dropped asleep over his books, and awoke to find
that the lamp by which he had been reading had set the
bed-clothes on fire and that he was surrounded by smoke
and flames. His cry of terror fortunately roused Goro and
some other students who came to his rescue, and having
extinguished the fire, they proceeded to indulge in much
merriment at ^neas's expense. His poverty made it
very difficult for him to get the books which he wanted, and
he was reduced for the most part to borrowing from his
friends. From these borrowed volumes he made copious
extracts for future reference, " so that he might not cause
too great inconvenience to the owners of the books." Such
were the conditions under which ^Eneas Silvius followed
the gleaming banner of humanism, and by sheer force of
character he may be said to have succeeded in his quest.
Of all the scholars of the early Renaissance none was more
thoroughly imbued with the true spirit of humanism than

1 Gregorio Lolli to the Cardinal of Pavia, Cardinalis Papiensis Epistolae,
Ep. 47.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 15

this struggling, self-taught youth. Yet no amount of talent
or perseverance could altogether make up for the lack of
teaching, for the absence of anything approaching the per
sistent individual instruction which great educators like
Vittorino da Feltre gave to their pupils. ^Eneas, for all
his true appreciation of Greek literature, never mastered
the rudiments of the Greek language ; his natural gift
of style notwithstanding, he was never able to write really
good Latin.

The University experiences of ^Eneas Silvius were by
no means confined to the sphere of learning. Siena,
according to her chronicler Sigismondo Tizio, was famed
for " the affability and hospitality of her inhabitants, the
beauty and allurement of her women, and the love which
her populace hath ever borne for festivals and games." 1
During eight years of vivid life .Eneas drank deep of the
cup of pleasure. He shared in the wild games of Pugna
and Pallone which were played on the Piazza del Campo.
He joined with patriotic ardour in the great public festivals.
Above all, he knew what it was to lie by the fountains
on hot June evenings, and to bask in the smiles of the
" pleasant ladies " who beguiled the hearts of the Uni
versity students. Perhaps the most famous of ^Eneas's
writings is his novel Eurialus et Lucretia, which tells of
a love intrigue between a German knight and a Sienese
lady at the time of the Emperor Sigismund's sojourn in the
city. The events which formed the basis of his plot took
place in 1432, more than a year after ^Eneas had left Siena.
Yet the background of the romance is life in Siena as
^Eneas himself knew it. From it we catch glimpses of
that strange medley of gaiety and folly, innocent enjoy
ment and unrestrained vice, high civilisation and primitive
passion which was at once the fascination and the bane of
Sienese society. The novel was written at the request of
Mariano Sozzini, who, to judge from ^Eneas's dedicatory

1 Tizio, Storm Senese, MS. in Biblioteca Comunale Siena. Quoted by
Heywood, Polio and Ponte, p. 190.

16 POPE PIUS II

epistle,1 initiated his pupil into the frivolous as well as into
the studious aspect of University life. It treats of an
incident which actually occurred in Siena, and the originals
of the principal characters were known to many at the time
the story was written. Eurialus was beyond doubt ^neas's
future patron, the German Chancellor, Kaspar Schlick.
No real clue exists with regard to the identity of Lucretia ;
but a theory has been advanced which would make her none
other than the wife of Mariano Sozzini, and Sozzini himself
the duped husband of the story. If this were true, ^Eneas's
response to the request for a love-story, and the tribute
of praise which he paid to Sozzini in his letter to Kaspar
Schlick, formed part of the same bitter jest. Yet it is
difficult to believe that ^neas would play so scurvy a
trick upon his old tutor, and as the theory rests upon
the purest conjecture, we can afford to treat it with scant
attention.2

The story itself is neither more original nor less in
delicate than others of its kind. It tells of violent love, of
secret notes, and of stolen interviews snatched under the
very nose of the jealous husband. It ends in a tragic
parting on the return of the Imperial Court to Germany.
Lucretia is left to die of a broken heart, while Eurialus
mourns her loss until he finds consolation in a marriage
arranged for him by the Emperor. ^Eneas was only too
familiar with the details of such intrigues. " What man
of thirty," he asks, " has not ventured something in the
cause of love ? I ground this conjecture upon myself,
whom love has exposed to a thousand dangers ; but I
thank the gods that I have escaped a thousand times from

1 yEneas Silvius to Mariano Sozzini, Vienna, 3 July 1444 (Wolkan,
Ep. 152). This letter contains the novel itself. Eurialus et Lucretia
appears also in various editions of Pius n's works, and was translated into
many languages. The earliest English version I have found is " The most
excellent Historie of Euryalus and Lucresia. Translated from the Latin
by W. Braunche. London, 1596."

2 Zannoni, Per la storia di due amanti (Atti della R. Accademia
dei Lincei, serie iv. vol. vi. pp. 116-27, Rome, 1890). Prof. Zannoni himself
admits that his theory has no basis of proof.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 17

the toils laid for me." l In his University days the
temptations to intrigue were rendered greater by the fact
that the students reigned supreme in the fancies of the
Sienese ladies. " Men of this class," he writes of the
University students, " used to enjoy high favour with our
women, but since Caesar's Court came to Siena they have
been ridiculed, despised, and hated ; for our ladies find more
delight in the clash of arms than in the refinement of
letters." 2 Eurialus et Lucretia shows, moreover, how
conducive was the whole atmosphere of Sienese society to
the more dangerous forms of flirtation. Unmarried girls
of the upper class were kept in the strictest seclusion, and
wives were hardly less jealously guarded by their husbands.
Yet with rigid rules went a low standard of morality, and
at the same time there was a certain freedom and uncon-
ventionality in social entertainments which gave endless
opportunities for secret intercourse between the sexes.
About a mile outside the city was a certain Chapel of the
Blessed Virgin which the ladies of Siena were wont to
visit. Here the young gallants would station themselves,
and offer bouquets of flowers and other tokens to the
objects of their admiration. The ladies would accept the
gifts and bestow their smiles with so fine an impartiality
that none could tell their real feelings.3 Then, in the
seclusion of their own chambers, they would examine the
bouquet of the favoured lover and extract maybe a love-
letter or a poem from the heart of a bunch of violets. In
the winter the youth of the city made snowballing their
favourite pastime. The ladies threw snowballs into the
streets, and the students in return pelted the ladies at their
windows. Even this innocent recreation could be turned
to the purposes of intrigue, and a snowball be made the
bearer of a message between secret lovers. With regard

1 ^Eneas to Sozzini (Wolkan, Ep. 153, p. 354).

2 Eurialus et Lucretia (Wolkan, Ep. 153, p. 378).

3 Cf. Eurialus et Lucretia, p. 378 : " Ilia, sicut mos est nostris domi-
nabus, omnes vultu blando intuebatur. Ars est sive deceptio potius,
ne verus amor palam fiat."

2

i8 POPE PIUS II

to ^Eneas himself, he won his earliest literary reputation
as the writer of somewhat coarse love-poems. Tradition
says that the object of his devotion in Siena was a certain
Angela, the wife of Francesco Acherisi.1 She, however,
despised him on account of his poverty, and made mock
of his shabby clothes. " Let readers learn wisdom from the
ills of others, and strive to avoid drinking of the potions of
love, seeing that they contain far more gall than honey." 2
Such is the moral of Eurialus et Lucretia, and ^Eneas, it
seems, could testify to its truth from personal experience.
Love-making apart, there is nothing in ^Eneas's writings
to show what share he had in the pastimes of his fellow-
students. He certainly did not distinguish himself as an
athlete, and was probably never robust enough to appreci
ate such violent forms of recreation as the Giuoco della
Pugna (Game of Fisticuffs), so graphically described by a
contemporary novelist. The game was extremely popular
with the University students, yet Gentile Sermini, who had
played it in his youth, cannot help admitting that " the on
lookers have three parts of the fun ; the players get the
rest, and have in addition their bruised sides and heads,
and their dislocated and broken bones, hands, arms, ribs
and jaws." 3 Poverty alone would have prevented ^Eneas
from competing in the famous races for the Palio. Yet his
treatise on the Nature and Care of Horses * proves that he
took an interest in horse-flesh, and these races were so
bound up with the public life of Siena that no patriotic
citizen could stand aloof from them.5 The most important
races for the Palio took place on the Festival of the

1 Lesca, p. 48. Cf. Cugnoni, p. 342.

2 Eurialus et Lucretia, op. cit., p. 393.

3 Sermini, Le Novelle, " II Giuoco della Pugna " (Raccolta di Novellieri
Italiani, Parte Seconda, Firenze, 1833).

4 Printed for the first time by Wolkan (Ep. 154, p. 395).

5 The Palio was the piece of silk, velvet, or other material given as
the prize for horse-races in Italy ; in course of time the word came to
be used not only for the prize but for the race itself. For a full account
of the Palio and other pastimes of Italy, cf. Mr. Hey wood's delightful
book, Palio and Ponte.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 19

Assumption (15 August), a day which ^Eneas had looked
upon from earliest childhood as the greatest in the whole
year. It was not only a great religious festival, but also
the chief civic holiday, a perpetual memorial of Siena's
triumphant victory over the Florentines at Montaperto
(1260). In the hour of despair before the battle the Sienese
had turned for help to the Blessed Virgin, and with the full
ritual of feudalism had recognised her as their liege Lady.
That same night the Florentine sentries " beheld as it
were a mantle most white which covered all the camp of
the Sienese and the city of Siena." 1 It was the mantle
of Siena's blessed suzerain, who was to prove in the morrow's
battle the worth of her protecting care. From that day
forward Siena adopted the title of Civitas Virginis, the great
bell of the Mangia Tower began its summons to the magis
trates of the Republic by " three distinct and separate
strokes in memory of the Angelic Salutation," 2 and the
Festival of the Assumption became the crown of the city's
festivities.3

Early in August each year the streets of Siena began to
throng with strangers who had come to take part in the
approaching fair. On the morning of the I4th the cere
monies opened with a solemn procession of the chief magis
trates to the Duomo, where each in turn made an offering
of a wax candle for the benefit of the Cathedral Works.
This was an obligation incumbent on every citizen of
Siena on the Vigil of the Assumption, the weight of each
man's candle being apportioned according to the amount
of his taxable property. Thus processions of citizens from
the various parishes continued throughout the day, and
on the morrow came representatives of the subject towns
and other feudatories bringing such offerings of candles and
money as were required of them by the terms of their sub
mission to the Republic. It was a proud day for any citizen

1 Polio and Ponte, p. 34. ~ Ibid., p. 38.

3 I am largely indebted to Mr. Hey wood's description of the " Festival
of Our Lady of August," given in Palio and Ponte, pp. 55-67.

20 POPE PIUS II

of Siena when he saw Counts of Santa Flora, Lords of
Campiglia, and members of many another ancient house,
coming to render obedience to the free commonwealth.
Yet if, like ^Eneas, he belonged to the despised Monte del
Gentiluomini, pride must have been mingled with humilia
tion. Not only were the nobles excluded from all real
power, but some, and maybe the Piccolomini among them,
were excused on account of their abject poverty from con
tributing to the pile of candles accumulating in the Duomo.
After these ceremonies came the contest for the Palio, and
the remainder of the day was given over to feasting and
dancing. At nightfall all the city was illuminated and
bonfires blazed on the surrounding hills, none more con
spicuous than that which shone on the old house at
Corsignano as it leapt from the summit of Monte Amiata.

Suddenly, amidst this gay, careless life, a stern voice
sounded. The City of the Virgin seemed to have become
something more nearly resembling the City of Venus, when
she was recalled to her better self by the preaching of S.
Bernardino. It was in May 1425 that S. Bernardino
first preached in Siena. An altar and pulpit were erected
on the Piazza del Campo, and among the crowds of men and
women of every rank who flocked thither to hear him was
the young student, ^Eneas Silvius. The saint, like ^Eneas
himself, came of a noble Sienese family. He too had been
a student of the University, and had received his friar's
habit in the Church of S. Francesco at Siena. Thus his
antecedents alone were sufficient to attract ^Eneas towards
S. Bernardino, and once having been drawn to him he
fell completely beneath his spell. " He was most eloquent
in speech," writes ^Eneas of the great revivalist preacher,
" and could move men to tears in a wonderful way ; he so
denounced vices that he made every one feel a horror of
them, and he so praised virtues that he made all love
them. . . . And because his life was holy and without
blemish, because he lived in poverty, going about with
bare feet, clad only in his woollen tunic ; and because he

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 21

persevered in fasts and prayers, he drew the people mar
vellously." *

All Siena responded to S. Bernardino's appeal. The
women brought their ornaments and cosmetics, their
false hair and fine clothes to swell the pyres of " vanities "
which were kindled on the Piazza. Party symbols and
badges were torn down, and in their place appeared " the
Holy Name of Jesus painted on a picture,"2 surrounded
by the sun's golden rays. ^Eneas himself was so much
moved by the saint's words that he seriously contemplated
entering the Franciscan Order, and was only turned from
his purpose by the entreaties of his friends. A few years
later, when S. Bernardino had left Siena for Rome, ^Eneas
was troubled by a saying of one of his disciples, to the effect
that a man was bound to accomplish any good deed that he
had once willed to do. In his distress of mind ^Eneas
trudged all the way to Rome to consult S. Bernardino, who
with characteristic good sense told him that his scruples
were groundless, and that his transient aspiration placed
him under no necessity of becoming a friar against his
better judgment.3

^Eneas was entirely unsuited for the religious life, yet
he had much real religious feeling. He was also quick to
recognise genuine goodness, and S. Bernardino's life of
self-sacrifice appealed at once to all that was noblest in his
nature. Perhaps the three men for whom he showed the
most abiding admiration were S. Bernardino, the prophet
of his student-days; Cesarini, the hero of the Council of
Basel, who died a martyr's death on the battlefield of
Varna ; and the austere and saintly Cardinal Carvajal, who
spent his life in the championship of the cause of Christen
dom against the Turk. If any one characteristic distin
guished all three men alike, it was their singleness of
purpose — a virtue which ^Eneas, whose sincerity has been

Silvius, De Viris JEtate sua Claris (printed in Mansi, Pii
Secundi Orationes, vol. iii. p. 172).

2 De Viris, p. 173. 3 Ibid., pp. 174-5.

22 POPE PIUS II

so often doubted, prized above others. S. Bernardino's
influence, however, was literary as well as spiritual. He
was a born story-teller, whose rich humour and native
gift of oratory delighted ^neas's artistic sense. Some of
our hero's earliest lessons in the art of public speaking
were learned at the feet of the preaching friar, and the name
of S. Bernardino must be joined with that of Sozzini
among the strongest factors in the intellectual development
of ^Eneas Silvius.

Did ^Eneas owe any part of his education to the greatest
scholar of his day, Francesco Filelfo ? The question is
wrapped in obscurity, and the entire disregard for truth
which distinguishes humanist controversy makes the
problem peculiarly hard to solve. On the one hand
Filelfo, writing a year after Pius n's death,1 tries to give the
impression that the deceased Pope owed everything to
him, and that he had been guilty of the basest ingratitude
towards his old master. He describes ^Eneas coming to
Florence as a poor scholar, and says that he was so greatly
impressed by the young man's ability and charm that
he received him into his own house. He subsequently
found him a post with a rich Sicilian noble, in whose service
^Eneas received 40 ducats a year, and was thus able to
attend Filelfo's private classes as well as his public lectures.
Finally, Filelfo asserts, ^Eneas went to Milan with intro
ductions from him, entered the service of the Bishop of
Novara, and so passed in the Bishop's train to his future
career at the Council of Basel. Goro Lolli, on the other
hand, meets Filelfo's whole story with a blank denial.2
jEneas never was Filelfo's pupil, and he did not even visit
Florence until his student-days were over. Thus it was
useless to talk of ingratitude, and, for his part, he main
tained that death was Pius n's sole crime from Filelfo's
point of view. He had sung the Pope's praises so long as

1 Francisci Philelfi Epistolae, lib. ii. ep. 26, To Leodrisio Crivelli
(Venet. 1502).

3 Cardinalis Papiensis Epistolae, Ep. 47.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 23

there was hope of gain from him, and only since his decease
had he begun to abuse him. There are obvious misstate-
ments in Filelfo's story. ^Eneas, to take but one instance,
did not go to Basel from Milan with the Bishop of Novara,
but from Siena with Cardinal Capranica. Yet it seems
impossible to accept Lolli's version in view of Filelfo's
letter of recommendation written in 1431, before the days
of controversy, and which Rosmini regards as an incon
trovertible proof that ^Eneas was at one time Filelfo's
pupil.1 " The bearer of my letter," writes Filelfo to his
friend Niccolo Arcimboldi in Milan, " is a Sienese youth,
^Eneas Silvius by name, of good family and most dear to
me, not only because he has been my pupil for two years,
but also because of his keen intelligence and grace of
expression. His manners are polished and refined. He is
moved by a desire to see Milan, and I commend him to
you with the utmost goodwill. Whatever you can do for
him in the way of service or aid, I shall regard as done to
myself." 2 Even here we cannot accept Filelfo's account
without reservation. Apart from certain difficulties in the
reconciliation of dates, and from the absence of all mention
of the fact in ^Eneas's writings, it is hard to believe that
he could have studied for two years under the chief Greek
scholar of the day without learning the rudiments of the
language. Perhaps the solution of the problem lies in the
supposition that /Eneas concluded his University career by
a wandering tour to other centres of learning in Italy,
visiting Florence among the rest. He would thus have
made the acquaintance of Filelfo, Poggio, Bruni, and other
Florentine scholars, while it would be quite in accordance
with humanist tradition that Filelfo should give introduc
tions to a promising young student who had attended some
of his lectures without being in any real sense his pupil.
The theory finds support in a letter from ^Eneas to
Giovanni Aurispa, dating from the latter part of 1431, in

1 Rosmini, Vita di Francesco Filelfo, vol. ii. pp. 104-9 (Milano, 1808).
z Francisci Philelfi Epistolae, lib. ii. ep. 8, op. cit.

24 POPE PIUS II

which he thanks the great man for the kindness which he
showed him during a short sojourn at Ferrara on his way
from Padua to Siena. " I found in you so much courtesy,"
runs the letter, " so much charity and kindliness, even in
the smallest matters, that I do not think anyone could be
kinder or more gracious ; and you were willing to number
me also among your friends." * ^Eneas's relations with
Filelfo may well have been of the same transient nature,
and the tour which ended at Padua and Ferrara may have
begun at Florence and Milan.

At this period ^Eneas was engaged nominally in legal
studies. A fellow- student, one Aliotti, gives his recollec
tions of him at Siena between 1425 and 1430, when ^Eneas
was reputed the ablest of the students in Civil Law, and had
already begun to lecture on the subject.2 Yet the more he
came in contact with them, the greater was his antipathy
both for law and lawyers. All time seemed wasted that was
spent apart from his beloved "poets and orators." His
period of wandering, with the glimpse that it afforded him
of the great world of letters, only increased his restlessness.
The spirit of the Renaissance was hot within his veins, and
the prospect of spending the remainder of his existence as a
petty notary, or at best as a lecturer on Jurisprudence, at
Siena, grew well-nigh intolerable. Nevertheless, the time
had come when he must settle down to a professional
career. His relations were already impatient at the delay,
and no way of escape seemed open to him. At this critical
moment there passed through Siena, Cardinal Domenico
Capranica, Bishop of Fermo, on his way to the Council of
Basel. He was in need of a secretary, and offered to
take the brilliant young scholar into his service. To
jEneas the opportunity seemed heaven-sent. Instead of
work which he hated, here was work that gave scope for
the exercise of those gifts of style and oratory which he had
already proved himself to possess. New surroundings and

Silvius to Giovanni Aurispa (Wolkan, Ep. 2).
2 Aliotti, Ep. et Opusc., vol. ii. p. 349. Cf. Lesca, p. 49.

THE UNIVERSITY OF SIENA 25

fresh experiences would take the place of the familiar
round of life in Siena. He would exchange an assured
livelihood, and little prospect beyond it, for adventure,
insecurity, and boundless possibilities. For a man of
^Eneas's age and disposition there could be no hesitation
as to his choice. One day in the winter of 1431-2 he
rode out of Siena in the train of Cardinal Capranica, intent
upon the conquest of the unknown future which awaited
him beyond the blue hills of the Sienese contado.

CHAPTER II
TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS

THE departure of .ZEneas Silvius for the Council
of Basel has been immortalised in one of Pinto-
ricchio's most charming frescoes in the Piccolo-
mini Library at Siena. Amid a gay and richly apparelled
company he rides towards the seashore. The Cardinal's
red robes and the bright trappings of the horses glow in the
sunlight. The way is strewn with a veritable carpet of
spring flowers. ^Eneas himself is mounted on a prancing
white charger, and he turns with light-hearted unconcern
to cast a farewell glance over his native land. Behind him,
however, the sea is troubled, and a black storm darkens
the horizon, warning the travellers who are about to
embark upon the waiting vessels that there is rough weather
in store for them. The symbolism of the fresco leaves
little to be desired. In the springtime of life, full of hope
and enthusiasm, ^Eneas set out upon his career. Fortune
had provided him with an opportunity, and in his joy at
this sign of her favour, he was blind to the dangers and
difficulties which would inevitably beset his path. " A
wise God conceals the future in dark night," x he wrote on
a later occasion. If he had realised the endless vicissitudes
through which he must pass before he could achieve, not
greatness, but the merest security, perhaps even his
adventurous spirit would have faltered.

The actual circumstances of ^Eneas's departure were
doubtless less picturesque, yet the tempest of Pintoricchio's

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 7.
26

AENEAS SILVIUS SETS OUT FOR THE COUNCIL OF KASEL

FRESCO BY I'INTORICCHIO
Piccolomini Library, Siena

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 27

fresco is a truthful representation of the storms, both
physical and political, to which he was exposed at the very
outset of his career. Two main facts coloured his intro
duction to the world of politics. In the first place, his
new master, Cardinal Capranica, had been involved in the
recent rising of the Colonna against Eugenius iv, and his
departure from Italy was practically a flight before the
Pope's vengeance. Secondly, the Council of Basel, whither
he was proceeding, was sitting in defiance of Papal authority,
having been dissolved by Eugenius in the autumn of 1431,
just four months after its formal opening. Under these
circumstances Capranica's chief object was to get out of the
country as quickly and as inconspicuously as possible. He
resolved to proceed straight to the coast at Piombino, and
from thence to take ship to Genoa. By so doing he would
avoid passing through Florentine territory at a time when
a war between Florence and Siena rendered travelling diffi
cult ; and, once in Genoa, he could rely upon the protection
of her overlord, Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, a
friend to all enemies of the Pope. When the party reached
the coast they found an obstacle in their path in the shape
of Jacopo Appiano, Lord of Piombino, who thought it
politic to prevent Capranica's departure. " Although he
feigned friendship," writes ZEneas, "he forbade Domenico
to take ship." l Yet with the vessel which was to carry
him to Genoa waiting out at sea before his eyes, Capranica
determined to persevere. Making his way secretly down to
the shore, he embarked in a small boat with a single com
panion and was conveyed to his own ship in safety. " Once
this was known, the rest of Domenico 's suite was allowed to
depart, the lord of the town thinking it useless to pursue
the feathers when the body of his prey had escaped him." 2
^Eneas and his companions, however, spent a night out
of doors on the island of Elba, in bitter cold, before they
were able to rejoin Capranica. The next day the reunited
household set sail for Genoa.

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 3. 2 Loc. cit.

28 POPE PIUS II

Even then the adventures of the journey were not
over. A severe storm arose which drove the vessel far out
of its course, " round Corsica and a part of Sardinia," x
and after a night of tossing on the high seas the captain
made his way back through the Straits of Bonifacio to
seek shelter in the harbour of Porto Venere. This un
pleasant experience gave ^Eneas a distaste for the sea which
never left him. It also found him a lifelong friend in the
person of one of his fellow-secretaries, Piero da Noceto,
who shared the perils of the voyage, and became henceforth
his closest companion. The episode appears to have made
a deep impression on ^Eneas, and time helped to magnify
its importance. In the Commentaries we read that the
travellers " were driven by furious storms in sight of the
Lybian coast, the sailors fearing greatly lest they should
land at some barbarian port ; although it is marvellous
to relate and almost incredible to hear that a voyage
of a day and a night from Italy . . . should have taken
them to Africa, it is nevertheless true." 2 The Com
mentaries were written some thirty years after the events
here described, and a comparison between them and the
account of his journey which ^Eneas wrote to the Podesta
of Piombino directly he reached Genoa shows that the story
grew with the telling.3 This letter contains no mention
of Africa, and the perils of the voyage sink into insigni
ficance beside the splendours of the reception which awaited
the travellers.

At Porto Venere they found an armed galley sent by
the Duke of Milan to escort Capranica to Genoa. The
ducal Commissary and a goodly company of citizens
were on board, and on the Cardinal's approach there was
a great sounding of trumpets and other musical instru
ments to do him honour. "The shouts of the sailors

1 .ZEneas Silvius to Tommaso della Gazzaia, Podesta of Piombino,
Genoa, 28 Feb. 1432 (printed for the first time by Wolkan, Ep. 4).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 3.

3 Cf. above, Wolkan, Ep. 4.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 29

resounded to heaven," l wrote ^Eneas, who was sharing for
the first time in the incidents of greatness. After three
days' delay, on account of bad weather, the galley rode
into the harbour at Genoa, where Capranica was met by
the Governor and escorted to the sumptuous lodgings
prepared for his reception. Here the chief citizens came to
pay their respects, bringing with them such quantities of
" sweet wines, grain, and spices of every kind that fifty
men could hardly carry the whole amount." 2 To one
reared in the comparative simplicity of Tuscan society
Genoa — rich, luxurious, Eastern in her magnificence, and
cosmopolitan in her atmosphere — seemed a veritable city
of enchantment. " I wish you were with me now, for you
would see a town that has not its like in the whole world." 3
These are the opening words of a description of Genoa sent
by jEneas to a Sienese friend. It forms the first of a long
series of sketches containing his impressions of persons and
places, and embodying all that is best and most character
istic in his literary work.

Naturally, ^Eneas's attention is first arrested by Genoa
as a great mercantile port. He dwells in amazement on
the splendid harbour, crowded with ships, and on the
constant coming and going of trading craft. " Every day
you may see different races of men, with strange and un
civilised manners, and merchants arriving with every kind
of wares."4 The Genoese are a seafaring race, and there
is no hardship or peril that they will not endure in pursuit
of their calling. Yet they are too much occupied with
buying and selling to care greatly for learning. For the
rest, they are " honest people, with long bodies, and grave
demeanour, who both seem and are proud." 5 The private
life of the citizens, in contrast to their arduous profession,
is luxurious and even voluptuous. ' They fall into no error

1 Wolkan, Ep. 4. z Loc. cit.

3 ^Eneas Silvius to Andreozio Pctrucci, Milan, 24 March 1432 (printed
for the first time by Wolkan, Ep. 6).

4 Wolkan, Ep. 6, p. 7. 6 Wolkan.. Ep. 6, p. 8.

30 POPE PIUS II

who call Genoa a women's Paradise." l Women of all
classes enjoy extraordinary freedom. " They wear
sumptuous clothes, and are loaded with gold, silver, and
precious stones. . . . There is no need for them to ply
the needle or the distaff, for every household has numerous
female slaves who have charge of the cooking and sewing." 2
^Eneas had even heard of a lady, by no means of the highest
rank, who, when asked by her son-in-law what she was
providing for dinner, replied that she had not entered her
kitchen for seven years. In the absence of domestic duties
the women gave themselves up to dressing and love-making,
and a close observer of Genoese society would soon perceive
that the basis of the whole fabric was the latter art. In
short, " if Venus lived in these days she would no longer
inhabit Cyprus ... or the groves of Idalium, but would
dwell in Genoa." 3 As regards outward appearance, ^Eneas
considered Genoa " as far superior to Florence as Florence
is to Arezzo." " O most fortunate city ! " he says in con
clusion. " One thing alone is lacking to her, and that is
concord among her citizens ; but so great is the dissension
among men that they seem to watch for opportunities of
conspiring against, killing, and injuring one another. All
have the same object, namely, to hurt, to slay, to plunder,
and to drive into exile." 4

^Eneas was obviously enjoying his first taste of the great
world, and he dwelt joyfully on the thought that a still
more magnificent reception was being prepared for his
master in Milan. Yet other letters show that pleasure was
mingled with a good deal of home-sickness. " When we
were together," he wrote to a University friend, " no day
was allowed to pass without intercourse between us ; either
I sought you out or you came to find me, so that I seemed
to be living with you more than with all the others. Now
your letters perform the function that was once yours, . . .
from them I derive such consolation as falls to my lot.

1 Wolkan, Ep. 6, p. 8. 2 Wolkan, Ep. 6, p. 9.

3 Loc. cit. 4 Wolkan, Ep. 6, p. 10.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 31

The gods are my witness that when I read them I cannot
restrain my tears. I weep and weep again. ' Where/ I
cry, ' is my sweetest friend ? ' I know too well that I am
parted from him, I know not when I shall see him again."
Most especially is he grieved to hear how much his father
misses him. Giorgio must regard himself as Silvio's adopted
son, so that the old man may gain a comforter, and ^Eneas
a brother. " Farewell," he concludes, " and again fare
well. Greet, I pray you, all our mutual friends, and when
you meet my father console him as much as you can." l
This letter formed ^Eneas's farewell to Italy, being written
in Milan on the eve of his departure. A few days later
the Cardinal and his household set out over " the Alps
that are called S. Gothard, fast bound in ice and snow," 2
and after traversing " steep mountains reaching almost to
heaven," they came at last to Basel.

^Eneas entered Basel in the spring of 1432, but it was
not until four years later that he began to take active
part in the proceedings of the Council. During the period
that intervened he was engaged in seeing life, under diverse
aspects and amid varying scenes. He served at least four
different masters, and thus gained considerable experience
of a secretary's post in the household of a great ecclesiastic.
In this capacity, moreover, he travelled over the greater
part of Europe, crossing the Alps in his journeys to and
from Italy by the S. Gothard, the S. Bernard, and the
Simplon passes, going from Basel to Cologne by way of the
Rhine, visiting the rich trading cities of the Low Countries,
and penetrating even to the British Isles. Wherever he
went eyes and ears were on the alert, and these early
impressions did much to furnish material for the great
historical and geographical works which are among his
chief titles to fame. More than this, the four years of
wandering gave ^neas just that varied knowledge of men

1 /Eneas Silvius to Giorgio Andrcnzio, Milan, March 1432 (Wolkan,
Ep. 7; Opera (Basel, 1571), Ep. 33, and elsewhere).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 3.

32 POPE PIUS II

and things which he needed in order to give expression to
his natural gifts. As an Italian, he belonged to the nation
of explorers, to those early seekers after knowledge who
prepared the way for the great discoveries of a later genera
tion. As a humanist, the history and manners of the
European nations were interesting to him in a way that
they had never been to the medievalist. Above all, a
keen sense of beauty, exceptional powers of observation,
and an instinct for self-expression which impelled him to
commit his ideas to writing, enabled him to turn all that he
saw and heard to the very best advantage. " Thousands,"
it has been said, " saw what he did, but they felt no im
pulse to make a picture of it, and were unconscious that the
world desired such pictures." l Those who are anxious
for a personally conducted tour round Europe in the early
fifteenth century cannot do better than to take him as
their guide, and to follow him as he passes from city to city,
full of interest, full of appreciation, bringing his quick
sympathy and vivid imagination to bear upon everything
that crosses his path.

Capranica received a warm welcome from the Fathers
at Basel, and his claim to rank as a Cardinal, which the
Pope had refused to acknowledge, was at once recognised
by the Council. Eugenius iv, meanwhile, retained pos
session of Capranica 's benefices and also of his private
inheritance, and the Council which had so gladly reinstated
him in his position could do nothing to help him recover
his property. Thus the unfortunate Cardinal found him
self in great pecuniary straits. " The needy Domenico
was not able to support the needy ^Eneas," 2 and our
hero had perforce to seek a new master. Not long after,
Capranica left Basel and made his peace with Eugenius iv.
He had done his part by ^Eneas in launching him upon the
world, and, in his lifetime, he hardly crossed his path again.
In 1458, however, popular opinion regarded him as the

1 Burckhardt, Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien.

2 Cardinalis Papiensis Epistolas, Ep. 47, p. 495.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 33

future Pope, and his death on 14 August removed the most
formidable obstacle to Pius n's election.

^neas next took service under Nicodemo della Scala,
Bishop of Freisingen, who gave him his first glimpse of
German politics by taking him to the Diet of Frankfort.
In later years he must have said to himself that this pre
liminary experience had been eminently characteristic,
for the proceedings of the Diet were rendered abortive by
the absence of the Emperor. Shortly after their return to
Basel, Nicodemo withdrew from the Council, and ^Eneas
was left without employment. It was probably at this
time that he conceived the idea of writing a History of the
Council, being led to his decision by the reasons so naively
expressed in his letter to Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini.
" Nothing," he considered, " could be worse for a man than
to lead a life of ease and idleness," l and nothing could be
more foreign to his own habit, as he had always been accus
tomed to spend his time in reading and writing. Thus it
was a weariness to him to spend the long days at Basel in
idleness, and he did not care to gossip about the doings of
the Council with people who took no real interest in ecclesi
astical affairs. He resolved, therefore, to set to work upon
a History, lest he should become " like the beasts, given
over to food and sleep." " I confess," he writes, " that it
would be better and more becoming in me to turn over and
study the volumes of those who wrote in past ages than to
attempt original work. Yet I have sufficient excuse in that
I possess no books." In recording the deeds of the Council
as they come to his knowledge he will be exercising such
little talent as he possesses, so that when the time comes
for him to write something more important, wisdom and
facility of expression will be his. " Both these things," he
observes, " are acquired by practice, although it is true that
wisdom is given to many by nature." There follows a

1;£neas Silvius to Giuliano Cesarini (Wolkan, Ep. 16). Dated by
Wolkan, Milan, July 1434. The letter is also printed by Urstisius,
Epitome Historiae Basiliensis,

3

34 POPE PIUS II

graphic description of Basel and its inhabitants, which was
intended to serve as an introduction to his History, so that
all might know " in what place and among what people
those things were done that I propose to record."

The situation of Basel made it peculiarly suitable in
our hero's eyes for the seat of a General Council. Almost
equidistant from Spain and Hungary, from Denmark and
Sicily, it might be considered the centre of Christendom.1
It lay, moreover, on that great highway of Europe, the
Rhine, which divided the city into two parts. A fine
wooden bridge gave access from one part to the other, but
in spring, when the stream was swollen by the melting
snows of the Alps, the bridge was often destroyed, and
Basel became two separate cities. To Tuscan-bred ^Eneas,
the three most noticeable features of Basel were the extreme
cold, the comfort and prosperity which reigned every
where, and the excellence of the municipal government.
In winter, when snow lay thick on the ground, the blast
of the north wind seemed freezing, but within doors all was
warmth and comfort. The principal houses had fine halls
resembling Roman baths, where the citizens entertained
one another at dinner, and where caged singing-birds and
sparkling fountains charmed the senses. The tables were
laden with silver ; the furniture was of the richest. In
short, although built for convenience rather than for
outward show, the houses of Basel could vie with the best
in Florence as regards interior equipment. The fortifica
tions of the city seemed to ^Eneas inadequate, and alto
gether unfitted to withstand the sieges and street-fights of
Italy. Yet in this more fortunate country " the strength
of the city lay in concord of souls." 2 In Basel there was
no struggle between nobles and people ; no voice was
raised against the government ; no factions divided the
ruling class ; all were prepared to defend their liberties, if

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Philippe de Coetquis, Archbishop of Tours, Basel,
28 Oct. 1438 (a later version of his letter to Cesarini), Wolkan, Ep. 28,

2 Wolkan, Ep. 16,

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 35

need be, with their lives. So strong and sure was justice
that " those exiled from the city in perpetuity had no hope
of return," and if anyone deserved punishment, " neither
money nor prayers would avail him, nor even a multitude
of friends and relations, nor high position in the city."
Although reluctant to lay bare the weaknesses of his own
country, /Eneas could not refrain from drawing the all too
obvious contrast. " There the few seek to rule, and all
are forced to obey ; those who spurn the authority of
King or Emperor are subject to the lowest of the people.
There no dominion is lasting, and nowhere does fortune
jest as in Italy." l With regard to the inhabitants of
Basel, they preferred for the most part "to be men of sub
stance rather than to seem so." 2 They dressed soberly,
were contented with their lot, and kept their promises.
Their standard of culture was low. Grammar and
dialectic were studied, but poetry was despised, and the
name of Cicero was not so much as heard. Religion was
held in high honour, the churches being frequented daily,
and not only on festivals. /Eneas's quick eye at once
noticed the high wooden pews which filled the churches,
each matron shutting herself in her own pew with her
maid-servants " like bees in a hive." This peculiar
custom he attributed rather to " the rigour of winter "
than to reasons of prudery. His interest was also awakened
by the annual tax due from every family to the Bishop,
a relic, he considered, of the day when Basel was subject
to episcopal government.

Before /Eneas had time to write much of his History he
found employment once more, as secretary to Bartolomeo
Visconti, Bishop of Novara. The Bishop had come to
Basel as the confidential agent of the Duke of Milan, his
chief task being to stir up trouble for Eugenius iv at the
Council, while Filippo Maria himself waged war upon the
Pope in Italy. The successful negotiation of this joint

1 Wolkan, Ep. 28.

8 Wolkan, Ep. 16 : " viri boni esse potius quam videri malunt."

36 POPE PIUS II

campaign needed frequent intercourse between its directors,
and thus it came about that the close of the year 1433 saw
^Eneas back in Italy.1 He spent some time at the Court of
Milan, and gained an insight into the character of " that
great and famous Duke, Filippo Maria." " Filippo was
full of suspicion/' wrote ^Eneas, " and hardly trusted even
himself. He would often search the hangings of his palace
walls, thinking that assassins were hidden there, and at
times he was terrified by his own shadow. He fled the
sight of man, but was nevertheless great, and renowned for
his liberality and magnificence." 2 To our hero this visit
was chiefly remarkable for the part which he played in the
appointment of the Rector of the University of Pavia. Of
the two rival candidates, one was a certain Luigi Crotti, a
Milanese of high birth and powerful connections, the other
was an obscure citizen of Novara. ^Eneas espoused the
cause of the latter, and spoke with so much eloquence that
he snatched the prize from Crotti's grasp, and saw his
candidate installed as Rector.3

Meanwhile, Filippo Maria's captains besieged Rome,
calling themselves " Generals of the Holy Council." In
1434 they contrived to stir up rebellion within the city,
and Eugenius was forced to fly to Florence. Not content
with having humbled his enemy thus far, the Duke of
Milan now designed to obtain possession of the Pope's
person. The Bishop of Novara was sent to Florence to
arrange the details of the conspiracy, and all was in order
when the plot was discovered. It seemed likely that the
Bishop's life would be forfeit, " and the shepherd being
smitten, the sheep were scattered." 4 ^Eneas and his terri
fied companions fled for protection to the nearest church,

1 He travelled from Basel to Milan and back more than once at this
period. On 17 Nov. 1433 he writes from Milan that he hopes soon to
be in Basel, and on i July 1434 from the same place that he has just
arrived from the seat of the Council (Wolkan, Ep. 14 and Ep. 15).

2 Fea, Pius II a calumniis vindicatus, p. 40.

3 Commentani, lib. i. p. 3.

4 Mansi, Pius II Orationes, vol. iii., De Viris JEtate sw clans, p. 148,

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 37

fearing every moment that they might be dragged away to
prison and torture. Our hero is careful to mention that
his master had kept him in ignorance of the whole matter,
" not wishing to consult a Tuscan about a Tuscan affair." l
Yet, in another place,2 he tells us that he was able to visit
his relations at this time, through being sent on a mission
to Niccolo Piccinino, who was taking baths at Siena. It is
difficult to believe that his business with the principal
soldier in the employ of Milan had not some connection
with the Florentine conspiracy. Whatever was the
extent of his complicity, ^Eneas was placed in a most
unenviable predicament. Fortunately for his future career,
a helping hand was stretched out to him by his friend
Piero da Noceto. After the break-up of Capranica's house
hold, Piero had taken service with Cardinal Albergata, a
Carthusian who combined monkish piety with enthusiasm
for the new learning. Albergata was generous in his
patronage of struggling scholars, and on Piero 's recom
mendation he offered ^Eneas a post as secretary. Thus
the taint of recent associations was at once obliterated,
and ^Eneas left Florence, no longer in the service of
Eugenius iv's enemies, but safe under the protection of a
champion of orthodoxy, and the Pope's most loyal servant.
Soon after, the Bishop of Novara was set at liberty, but
^Eneas preferred the superior attractions of a Cardinal's
household, and did not return to his service. Yet he bore
his former master no grudge. He writes of him with
respect and affection, and has a place for him in his
collection of biographical sketches of the illustrious men
of the age.

Cardinal Albergata, meanwhile, was bound for the
Congress of Arras, which had been summoned in the hope of
ending the Hundred Years War and of giving peace to
the distracted land of France. He crossed the Alps by the
S. Bernard Pass, and descended upon the Lake of Geneva,

1 Mansi, Pius II Orationes, vol. iii., De Viris Mtate sua Claris, p. 148.

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 3.

38 POPE PIUS II

where he turned aside in order to visit Duke Amadeus vm
of Savoy in his retreat at Ripaille. In 1431, after a reign
of forty years, Duke Amadeus had startled Europe by
retiring from the world. With six chosen companions, all
of noble birth and widowers like himself, he had withdrawn
to an estate upon the shores of the Lake of Geneva, in order
to lead a hermit's life amid beautiful and peaceful sur
roundings. Thus the royal hermit of Ripaille was a subject
of popular interest at the moment, and ^Eneas, with the
instincts of a true journalist, was at pains to describe all
that he saw in the course of his visit. Albergata was
met at the landing-stage by Amadeus and his companions,
clad in long grey cloaks, with gold crosses upon their
breasts and staffs in their hands. Hard by stood the
church which Amadeus had built, with suitable dwellings
for the priests who served it. Behind stretched a magni
ficently wooded park, the home of deer and other wild
creatures, screened from the outside world by a high wall.
In this romantic setting hermit and Cardinal met and
embraced, " kissing each other with much affection." To
^Eneas it seemed " a worthy spectacle, which posterity
will hardly believe." Only lately Amadeus had been " a
most powerful Prince, feared by both French and Italians.
He had been clad in cloth of gold, and surrounded by
purple-robed courtiers ; ensigns of royalty were carried
before him, armed cohorts and a crowd of great ones
followed him. Now he received the Apostolic Legate in
humble and poor array, preceded by six hermits, and
followed by a few priests." x Albergata could not say
enough in praise of Amadeus's renunciation, but when the
party passed through the pleasant glades to the castle
where these " Knights of S. Maurice " had made their home,
^Eneas began to suspect the sincerity of their motives.
Each of the six companions had his separate suite of
rooms, fitted up with the greatest luxury. As to the apart
ments of Amadeus, they were worthy of the Pope himself,

1 Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 181.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 39

and the whole Order seemed to live " a life of pleasure
rather than of penance." l In the course of the visit ^Eneas
noticed his friend Piero writing in charcoal upon a wall of
the castle. The words which he wrote were those of
Cicero : ' Totius autem injustitiae, nulla capitalior est
quam eorum qui cum maxime fallunt, id agunt, ut viri
boni esse videantur."2 Piero's judgment was perhaps
unnecessarily severe, yet the Duke's renunciation of the
world did not by any means involve a surrender of worldly
comfort. His piety, moreover, did not stand in the way of
cautious concern for his own interests, as ^neas was to
learn by experience a few years later, when Amadeus left
his hermitage, at the request of the Council of Basel, to
embark upon the final phase of his career as the anti-Pope,
Felix v.

Bidding farewell to Ripaille, Albergata and his household
came to Basel, and from thence, in June 1435, they set out
for Arras. The journey from Basel to Cologne was per
formed by boat, and, as the company proceeded by easy
stages down the Rhine, ^Eneas gained his first impression
of the stately cities which he described in such glowing terms,
years later, in his Ger mania. At Strassburg he found " so
much splendour and beauty that it has, not without
good cause, been endowed with the name of Argentina." 3
The canals which intersected the city reminded him of
Venice, although Strassburg was " healthier and pleasanter,
the waters which traverse it being fresh and clear, instead
of salt and evil-smelling as at Venice." At Speyer he was
chiefly interested in the noble Cathedral with the tombs of
the Emperors, among which he particularly noticed that
of Rudolf of Hapsburg, "who is held to be the founder
of the Austrian house." " Worms," he wrote, " is not a

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 3.

2 "Of all unrighteousness, none is greater than that of men who,
when they err most, behave so that they appear to be virtuous " (Cicero,
De Offic. i. 13 ; .SLneas Silvius, De Viris, Mansi, vol. iii. p. 179).

3 Germania, p. 1052 (/Eneas Silvius, Opera quae extant omnia, Basel,

40 POPE PIUS II

large town, yet no one can deny that it is delightful." His
historical mind at once associated it with the famous
Concordat on the investiture question, made there in 1122.
The ancient city of Mainz possessed " magnificent churches,
and exceptionally fine public and private buildings."
Nothing in it seemed to him amiss, save the extreme narrow
ness of the streets. His highest praise, however, is reserved
for Cologne. As a humanist he hailed it as " Colonia
Agrippina," named after the mother of Nero ; he reverenced
it as a Christian on account of the bones of the Magi
enshrined in the Cathedral. " Noble in its churches and
houses, eminent in its citizens, famed for its wealth, . . .
adorned by public buildings and fortified by towers, it
sports upon the banks of the Rhine surrounded by smiling
meadows. ... In all Europe you will find nothing grander
or fairer."1 From Cologne the travellers took horse to
Aachen, the ancient crowning-place of the German kings,
riding from thence through the prosperous trading cities
of the Low Countries, Liege, Louvain, Douay, and Tournay,
until they came at last to Arras.2

At Arras, ^Eneas found himself among a brilliant and
numerous company. Almost all the chief States of Europe
sent representatives to the Congress. Albergata himself
came as Papal Legate, Cardinal Hugh of Lusignan repre
sented the Council of Basel, and some nine thousand
strangers thronged the streets. The most conspicuous
figure of the assembly was Philip the Good, Duke of Bur
gundy, then in the prime of his manhood. All knew that
the issue of the Congress turned on him. If he decided
to renounce the English alliance and to make his peace
with the King of France, the war would lose half its terrors,
while the end could be only a question of time. In the
intervals of the negotiations the members of the Congress
sought relaxation in banquets and tournaments, and here
the Duke of Burgundy surpassed himself in courtesy and
affability. Only the English stood sullenly aloof from

3 Germania, p. 1052, op. cit. lCommentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 41

the gay doings, seeing in Burgundy's efforts to court
popularity with his fellow-countrymen the signs of his
approaching reconciliation with the Crown. Hardly less
noticeable than the mutual hatred of Burgundians and
English was the rivalry between Albergata and Cardinal
Hugh of Lusignan.1 They would only meet in the presence
of a mediator, and each sought to outdo the other in dis
pensing privileges and indulgences. From the point of
view of birth the advantage lay with Lusignan, but
Albergata's wisdom and sincerity \von the confidence of
the Congress. He was admitted to secret conferences
from which his rival was excluded, and he it was who
brought about the final reconciliation between Burgundy
and the French king. This took place on 21 September
1435, and ^Eneas marked the occasion by addressing to the
Duke of Burgundy some verses upon the blessings of
peace.2 Our hero, however, was not in Arras on this
auspicious occasion. He had already departed on a mission
to James I of Scotland, " in order to stir up the King
against the neighbouring Britons, who were opposed to
the peace." 3 ^neas himself describes the purport of his
mission as " the restoration of a certain Bishop to the
royal favour," 4 but it seems likely that this was a mere
pretext, and that Albergata wished to avert a renewal of
hostilities in France by providing employment for the
English on the Scottish Border. Whatever was the cause
of the embassy, it was the first independent task entrusted
to ^Eneas, and he welcomed it with enthusiasm. Posterity,
too, has cause to rejoice over the circumstances which
brought Great Britain and its inhabitants beneath the
eye of this gifted observer.

Our hero's adventures began at Calais. The English
not unnaturally regarded Cardinal Albergata " with

1 Cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio de Piccolomini ah Papst Pius II und sein
Zeitalter, vol. i. p. 89.

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

8 Campanus, Vita Pii (.Eneas Silvius, Opera, etc.).
4 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

42 POPE PIUS II

peculiar hatred because he had lured the Duke of Bur
gundy from their side," 1 and the appearance of his
secretary in Calais at once aroused suspicion. He was
detained in his lodging, and not allowed either to go on
or to turn back.2 Deliverance came through no less a
person than Cardinal Beaufort — himself returning from
Arras — and thanks to the great man's timely aid, ^Eneas
crossed to England without further mishap. Beaufort's
friendliness may be accounted for by his championship
of the peace party among the English, but on the other
side of the Channel, as ^Eneas found to his cost, a very
different spirit prevailed. The cry of the hour was for
vengeance upon the promoters of the Peace of Arras,
and Cardinal Albergata's secretary was refused letters of
safe-conduct to Scotland. The only thing to be done was
to retrace his steps, sad at heart to think that he had
braved the perils of the sea in vain. " But," to quote his
own words, " he was glad to have seen the most wealthy and
populous city of London, and the noble church of S. Paul's,
and the splendid tombs of the kings ; and the river Thames,
which ebbs back from the sea more quickly than it flows
into it, and is spanned by a bridge which resembles a city ;
and the village in which report has it that men are born
with tails ; and (that which obscures the fame of all else)
the golden shrine of S. Thomas of Canterbury, covered
with diamonds, pearls, and carbuncles, where they consider
it a crime to offer any baser material than silver." 3 In
the sacristy of S. Paul's he was shown a Latin translation

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

2 A sixteenth-century writer, Antonio de Beatis, comments on the
difficulty which travellers experienced in getting in and out of Calais,
owing to the rigid rules which prevailed with regard to the closing of the
solitary gate : " La porta che e una solamente se apre ad tal tempo ad
due ho re di giorno, et la sera se serra ad hora di cena, zod ad xxii hore,
ne se apre, se ce andasse el re in persona, in fine al giorno sequente in
1'hora predicta ; et similmente sta serrata la matina finche le gente
pransano " (Pastor, Die Reise des Kardinals Luigi d'Aragona, 1517-8,
pp. 122-3).

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 43

of Thucydides, dating from the ninth century, which
interested him greatly. The name of the translator was
not given, but " he must without doubt have been a
learned man to have been able to render that great and
eloquent author in the Latin tongue with no less effect than
in the original Greek." 1

After recrossing the Channel, ^Eneas made his way to
Bruges, and from thence he embarked at Sluys on a vessel
bound for Scotland. Once more he experienced ill-luck at
sea. Two terrible storms arose and drove the ship in the
direction of Norway, so far North that the sailors were no
longer able to recognise the stars. At last " divine pity
intervened, and caused the north wind to arise and blow
the vessel towards land, so that on the twelfth day the
coast of Scotland came in sight." 2 In the hour of peril
^Eneas vowed to walk barefoot to the nearest shrine of the
Blessed Virgin if he should ever reach the shore. On
landing at Dunbar he at once set off on a pilgrimage of ten
miles to Whitkirk. The way lay thick with ice and snow,
and when, after two hours spent at his devotions, he rose
to depart, his bare feet were so numbed that they refused
to carry him. Supported by his servants, he struggled to
the nearest village, and in the process of the effort warmth
and life returned to his frozen limbs. For the rest of his
life, however, he was a victim to attacks of gout in the
feet, which often caused him intense suffering.

^Eneas met with a favourable reception from the
Scottish monarch, and professed himself well satisfied
with the result of his mission. The expenses of his journey
were paid, and he received besides two horses and a valuable
pearl, which last he determined to give to his mother.
James i he describes as small and fat, with bright, flashing
eyes, passionate and revengeful in disposition. He men
tions his long captivity in England, from which he had

Silvius to Joliann Hinderbach, Vienna, June 1451 (Opera,
Ep. 126, p. 652).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 4.

44 POPE PIUS II

returned with an English bride, the niece, or, as some
said, the daughter of Cardinal Beaufort.1 For the rest,
^Eneas gives a vivid if unpleasing description of this northern
land.2 It was a cold, barren, treeless country, and, in
the winter months, daylight only lasted three or four hours.
The towns had no walls ; the houses were built without
mortar and were roofed with turf. In the absence of
wood, " a sulphurous stone, dug out of the earth," was
used for fuel, and ^Eneas noticed half-naked beggars at
the church doors, receiving this substance by way of alms.
The people seemed to him poor and uncivilised ; the men
were small and bold, the women were fair, good-looking,
and amorously disposed. So free were Scottish manners
that kissing meant no more than did shaking hands in
Italy. White bread and wine were regarded as delicacies,
but meat and fish were to be had in abundance, and the
oysters were finer than in England. Scottish horses were
small and shaggy, and were never groomed or bridled.
There were no wolves in the country. Scotland was divided
into two parts, the cultivated and the forest land. The
forest Scots spoke a different language from the others,
and lived on the bark of trees. Nothing pleased the Scots
so much as abuse of the English. During his stay in
Scotland ^Eneas made inquiries about the far-famed
barnacle tree which grew on the river banks, and bore
fruit which became live birds as soon as they touched the
water. " We learned," he writes, with a touch of sarcasm,
" that the marvel had fled still farther, and that the
famous tree must be sought, not in Scotland, but in the
isle of Orkney." 3

When the time came to leave Scotland, the captain
of the ship in which he had sailed from Sluys offered him
a passage back. But ^neas was too much alive to past
dangers, and he determined to travel home by way of

1 ^Eneas Silvius, De Viris, op. cit., pp. 199-200.

2 Commentarii, lib. i. pp. 4-5, and Europa, cap. 46 (Opera, pp. 387-471).

3 Europa, cap. 46, op. cit.

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 45

England. He preferred, he said, to make trial of the
mercies of man than to trust himself to the sea. The ship
set sail without him, and was wrecked within sight of land,
all lives on board save four being lost. Awed by the
catastrophe and thankful for his providential escape,
^Eneas started on his journey disguised as a merchant.
He was ferried across the Tweed, and arrived at sunset in
a large Northumbrian village, where the parish priest gave
him a night's lodging. All the women of the village came
to gaze at him as if he were a negro or an Indian, and they
plied the priest with questions about his guest. Where
had he come from ? What was his business ? Was he a
Christian ? The wine and white bread which ^Eneas had
brought with him excited much interest, and so many
people asked to be allowed a taste that the courteous
Italian ended by having none left for himself. At night
fall all the male population took refuge in a neighbouring
tower, lest they should be raided by the Scots. ^Eneas
was left behind, as were also the women, with the assurance
that the raiders would do them no harm. The whole
company spent the night sitting round the watch-fire, the
women cleaning hemp and chattering to ^Eneas's inter
preter. Suddenly there was a violent barking of dogs and
cackling of geese, and every one fled in terror. ^Eneas
took refuge in a stable, but to his great relief the women
soon returned, saying that it had been a false alarm. At
last morning came, and with a thankful heart our hero
bade farewell to the wild Border country, the like of which
he had never seen before. The sight of the massive towers
of Newcastle seemed to him like a return to the civilised
world.

On his way south yEneas visited the tomb of the Vener
able Bede at Durham, and then came to York, " where
there is a church to be remembered throughout the world."
What specially struck him were the " glass walls, held
together by slender columns." The metaphor enables us
to catch the impression which the vast windows of York

46 POPE PIUS II

Minster left upon his mind. Later he fell in with one of
the Justices in Eyre who was travelling to London, and
who beguiled the way by discussing the Congress of Arras,
denouncing Albergata as a wolf in sheep's clothing. " Who
would not wonder at this trick of fortune ? " our hero
asks. ' This man escorted ^Eneas in safety to London, but
if he had known who his companion was he would have
promptly cast him into prison." l At Dover, a judicious
bribe to the harbour guards served him instead of a pass
port, and having crossed the Channel, he made his way
back to Basel without further adventure. On his arrival
he found that Albergata had left for Italy, and that Piero
da Noceto was just setting out to rejoin his master.2
Fearing an encounter with Eugenius iv, ^Eneas did not
accompany him, and from that day forward his connection
with Albergata was severed. The days of apprenticeship
were now over ; our hero entered upon a fresh phase of his
career, as an independent agent at the Council of Basel.

^Eneas has little to say of his life in ecclesiastical
households, yet it may be assumed that he had not found
it a bed of roses. The position of a secretary varied,
according to the disposition of the master, between that of
a son, a pupil, and a servant, but in all cases the discipline
of the household bore at least a resemblance to that of
the monastery. The master considered himself responsible
for the general training of his subordinates ; breaches of
rule and moral delinquencies were punished with fasts,
stripes, and imprisonment. Apart from the strict discipline
to which they were subjected, the secretaries suffered from
the common curse of community-life — petty rivalries and
jealousies. " Believe me," wrote /Eneas, " there is no
harder lodging than a prince's court. Here strife, envy,
calumny, hatred, contumely, and infinite ills find their
home. And in the courts of ecclesiastics these things are

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 6.

2 Cf. y£neas to Piero da Noceto, 7 May 1456 (Opera, Ep. 188, pp.
756-63),

TRAVELS AND SECRETARYSHIPS 47

worse, because those who dwell there are more highly
educated, and many apply their ingenuity to evil rather
than to good." l The words form part of a letter of good
advice to a young friend, holding a post in a Cardinal's
household, who had written in a high state of indignation
over a three days' fast imposed on him by his master.
This youth — Gasparo Caccia by name — had been detected
in helping to smuggle a woman of evil fame out of the
Cardinal's house. He considered the penance unjust
because he was merely endeavouring to shield a friend —
one Giacomo — who alone was responsible for the woman's
presence. If Gasparo expected sympathy, he was doomed
to disappointment. He was the Cardinal's servant, ^Eneas
told him, eating his bread and drinking his wine ; he had
failed to respect his master's honour and the latter had
every right to punish. As to a three days' fast, what was
that to a strong young man ? " Others if their servants
had acted thus would have driven them from the house, or
caused them to be beaten with rods. ' ' Gaspare's foolish com
plaints can only be the effect of " the excessive good-nature
of the Cardinal, who indulges you and Giacomo too much."
This letter was written when ^Eneas was approaching
forty, a fact which may account for its severely moral tone.
But the Cardinals whom he served were both strict dis
ciplinarians, and he probably felt that, in his own days, he
would not have escaped so lightly. Capranica was noted
for the zeal with which he corrected the faults of his servants.
Albergata, for his own part, kept the rule of the Carthusian
Order throughout his Cardinalate, sleeping on straw, wear
ing a hair-shirt, and eating no meat. His household was
ruled over for twenty years by Tommaso Parentucelli,
the future Pope Nicholas v. Hard-working, narrow-
minded, scrupulously correct in his manner of living,
Parentucelli was a distinguished disciple of the new learning
while possessing little of the true spirit of humanism. No

1 /Eneas Silvius to Gasparo Caccia, Vienna, 5 Oct. 1443 (Wolkan,
Ep. 82 ; Opera, Ep. 16, and elsewhere).

48 POPE PIUS II

one was less likely to understand the versatile, pleasure-
loving ^Eneas. The two were destined to meet and work
together on many future occasions. Yet, throughout their
subsequent relations, there is a note of disapproval in
Parentucelli's attitude which seems to tell of friction in
bygone days, in the household of Cardinal Albergata.

Disadvantages notwithstanding, the four years of ap
prenticeship had given ^Eneas just the training which he
needed. " A secretary," he wrote, " is one who knows how
to choose his words, and put them together dexterously,
who is versed in the art of soothing, or of exciting the
passions, whose writings are adorned by elegance, humour,
and learning, . . . who, in short, is able to express every
thing that comes within the scope of a letter briefly, ele
gantly, accurately, and wisely." 1 A " secretary alone,"
he concludes, " can render absent men present." Who
was more capable of satisfying these requirements than
^Eneas Silvius, with his facile pen and his multifarious
interests ? He had, in truth, found his vocation, and his
future triumphs were won, to a great extent, through the
exercise of a secretary's craft upon a larger scale. Even
to-day he is still the ideal secretary of his conception.
His writings make the past live again, and render an absent
age present to succeeding generations.

Silvius, Libellus Dialogorum de generalis Concilii authoritate,
p. 754 (Kollarii, Analecta Monumentorum Vindobonensia, vol. ii. pp.
691-790).

CHAPTER III
THE COUNCIL OF BASEL

FROM the point of view of history, the most
enduring political achievement of ^Eneas Silvius
was the restoration of the Papal power upon the
ruins of the Council of Basel. Six momentous years of his
life, however, were spent as the champion and pamphleteer
of the Council in its most revolutionary phase. Thus from
first to last our hero's career is closely associated with that
effort to reform the Church from within which we call the
conciliar movement. In order to understand ^Eneas as a
politician it is necessary to grasp something of the signifi
cance of that movement, of the appeal which it made to
the minds of the age, and of the inherent weakness which
brought about its failure. His own connection with the
movement passed through many stages. From a member
of the moderate party he became a champion of the extreme
anti-Papalists, and then an instrument in the downfall of
his some-time allies. Finally, his political work as Pope
consisted to a large extent in undoing the effects of the
Council of Basel. The Compacts with the Hussites of
Bohemia, the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and the
declaration of German neutrality were alike fruits of
the Council, and the reversal of all three measures was
the work of Pius n.1 Nevertheless, his apostasy is not so

1 The Concordat of Vienna (1448), in which Germany made her peace
with the Papacy, was, strictly speaking, the work of Nicholas v, but
jEneas had a large share in the negotiations which preceded it, and the
ecclesiastical policy embodied in the declaration of German neutrality
was finally overthrown by Pius n.

4

50 POPE PIUS II

black as it seems. When he first threw in his lot with the
Council, there was good hope that it might effect a real
reformation in the Church. When he severed his con
nection with it, that hope was lost. If .Eneas had left
Basel in 1438 instead of in 1442, his political career would
have been free from inconsistency. But he remained for
four years longer, at the sacrifice of his convictions, and in
so doing he made a grave political mistake. The years of
exile in Germany which followed, formed an appropriate
penance for the last phase of his career at Basel.

During the troubled years of the fourteenth century,
when Avignon usurped the rights of Rome and the Papal
power seemed tied to the chariot wheels of France, when
the efforts of S. Catherine of Siena to restore the Papacy
to Rome only resulted in the deeper confusion of the Great
Schism, men's minds turned to the conciliar theory as the
panacea for the Church's ills. By this means alone could
the Church be raised from the mire, and sent forth purged
and strengthened to battle with the world. A General
Council, said the promoters of the movement, expressed
the mind of the whole Christian Church. In the words of
the famous Constance decree, " it has its power immediately
from Christ, and all of every rank, even the Papal, are
bound to obey it." l The theory emanated from the Uni
versity of Paris ; it was a weapon forged by scholars and
theologians in the course of their long warfare with the
Papacy. Carried into effect, it would introduce a demo
cratic element into the hitherto rigidly monarchical govern
ment of the Church, and it was hailed with enthusiasm by
all the advanced spirits of the age. At the same time,
statesmen welcomed it as a means of effecting the much
needed reform of the Papacy. All considered the existing
state of affairs a disgrace, yet all had faltered before the
task of reforming a power which admitted no limitations,
and acknowledged no earthly superior. Hence the Council
of Constance was supported, not only by the Universities,

1 Mansi, Concilia, vol. xxix. p. 21.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 51

but also by the chief European powers. Their combined
efforts achieved some measure of success. The abdication
or deposition of the three rival Pop.es removed the most
glaring scandal from the Church, while the decree Frequens
(9 October 1417) asserted the superiority of General Councils
and made provision for their recurrence. When, however,
the Council proceeded to the reform of the Church " in
head and members," it was brought to a standstill by the
discovery that Christendom no longer possessed a common
mind. The Universities were zealous for reform, but the
nations of Europe, although unanimous on the necessity
of ending the schism, were, on all other subjects, either
indifferent or torn by conflicting interests. ' The Council
of Constance," says Creighton, " failed because it repre
sented Christendom too faithfully, even to its national
dissensions."

In 1423, the year in which ^Eneas came to the University,
the first Council summoned in accordance with the Con
stance decree met at Siena. But the scant support which it
received and the quarrels among its members gave Pope
Martin v an excuse for dissolving the assembly in March
1424, before anything had been accomplished. He con
sented without misgiving to the summons of a fresh Council,
to be held at Basel in seven years' time, strong in the
knowledge that the control of the situation lay in the hands
of the restored Papacy.

The Council of Basel would, in all probability, have
been as ineffective as its predecessor but for the genius
and enthusiasm of one man. Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini
came to Basel in September 1431 to take up the office of
president. Less than a month before, he had been present
at the disastrous battle of Tauss, and had witnessed the
rout of the crusading army by the warrior heretics of
Bohemia. Convinced that the war against the Hussites
could not be waged with the sword, he fixed his hopes upon
the Council of Basel as the means whereby rebel Bohemia
could be brought within the fold of the Church. Gifts of

52 POPE PIUS II

mind and heart combined in Cesarini to render him well-
nigh the ideal leader of a great assembly. His was not
merely the learning of the scholar but the culture of the
humanist. Possessed of great personal beauty, eloquent,
lovable, passionately in earnest, he drew men by the un
conscious attraction of his personality no less than he moved
them by his words. With all his deep conviction, he was
ever a peacemaker. Tact and sympathy enabled him to
use his unparalleled influence in promoting good under
standing between opponents. His belief in the conciliar
movement was coupled with unswerving loyalty to the
Papacy, and his dearest ambition was to effect a recon
ciliation between Eugenius iv and the Fathers at
Basel.

When Cesarini came to Basel the Council was composed
of three bishops, seven abbots and a few doctors, and the
first semblance of activity which he contrived to produce
in this meagre assembly was met by the Pope's Bull of
dissolution. Undaunted by this unpromising beginning,
he addressed a dignified protest to the Pope, imploring him,
if he cared aught for the welfare of the Church, to recon
sider his action. Having thus satisfied his honour as a
servant of the Papacy, he turned to the affairs of the
Council, and threw himself into the work of organisation.
Very soon the effect of his presence made itself felt. The
Hussites accepted his invitation to a Conference, and the
Emperor Sigismund showed himself ready to champion
the cause of an assembly which promised a solution of his
difficulties as King of Bohemia. The King of France
professed his determination " to live and die with the
Council," while fresh arrivals added daily to the numbers
of the Fathers. In November 1432, ^Eneas Silvius wrote of
the number of ecclesiastics present as " great and noble,"
including " a vast quantity of bishops and abbots from
all parts of Christendom." The Council was fully organ
ised ; its officers were chosen. The whole assembly,
in fact, was established upon a firm basis, and there was

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 53

" no fear of the Pope." 1 Early in the following year the
Council achieved its greatest triumph in the conference
with the Hussite leaders which took place under its auspices.
Cesarini, while surrendering nothing of the orthodox
position, contrived to make the Hussites feel that their
point of view was respected. Under the influence of his
large-minded charity both parties showed creditable
forbearance and a real desire for union. The conference
broke up amid mutual professions of goodwill, and the
deliberations at Basel formed the basis of the celebrated
Compacts,2 which, by conceding the right of communicating
under both kinds as a special privilege to Bohemia, rendered
it possible for all moderate Hussites to live at peace with the
Catholic Church. The compromise proved but a temporary
truce. From the first both parties made it their object
to set at naught its conditions, and some thirty years later
it fell to the lot of Pius n to annul the Compacts, which
were no longer a basis of union but a source of perpetual
strife. Nevertheless, Cesarini and his supporters had made
a real advance in the direction of unity. A loyal acceptance
of the Compacts on both sides would have gone far to solve
the religious problems of Bohemia, while the friendly dis
putants at Basel had set an example of tolerance and
mutual understanding altogether in advance of the age.

^neas's connection with the Council of Basel began in
the early days of Cesarini's ascendancy. From the time
of his arrival in Capranica's train he made a practice of
sending reports of the Council's doings to the Republic of
Siena,3 and the references to Cesarini contained in these
letters show how entirely the impressionable young secretary
succumbed to the dominating influence at Basel. When
the envoys of the University of Paris spoke vehemently
against Eugenius iv, urging that " he should forthwith

1 ^Eneas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Basel, i Nov. 1432 (Wolkan,
Ep. 8).

2 The Compacts were signed at Iglau, 5 July 1436.

3Cf. Wolkan, Epp. 8-15, 17, 18, 20-23 (from MSS. in the Vatican
Archives and elsewhere).

54 POPE PIUS II

be proceeded against, pronounced contumacious and
deprived of obedience/' it was Cesarini, ^Eneas tells us,
" the wisest man of our age," who poured oil on the troubled
waters, and caused more moderate counsels to prevail.1
" The Cardinal of S. Angelo," runs another report, " pos
sesses the highest authority with the Council." 2 The
authority which he exercised over ^Eneas sufficed to make
our hero an eager champion of the conciliar movement.
He rejoices over the triumphs of the Council, trembles before
its dangers, and is ready to identify its cause with that of
Church itself. " The bark of S. Peter," he writes at a critical
moment in the Council's career, " can never be submerged,
however tempestuous are the waves which encompass it,
as Giotto has shown in his painting at S. Peter's in Rome." 3
For all his personal sympathies, ^Eneas's position at Basel
was that of a mere soldier of fortune. His pen was at
the service of the highest bidder, be he friend or opponent
of the Council, and his primary concern was the pursuit of
his own career. In the interests of his career he entered the
service of Albergata, an uncompromising adherent of the
Papacy, and in 1436 the same interests prompted his
return to Basel. Private convictions were a luxury of the
great, and were entirely out of place in a struggling secre
tary. The most that can be said is that he was undoubtedly
glad when the exigencies of fortune once more bade him
throw in his lot with the Council.

In 1436 the Council of Basel was, to all outward appear
ances, at the height of its power. It had won for itself the
support of Europe, and in the face of this general consensus
of opinion the Pope had been forced to yield. In January
1434 envoys from Rome arrived in Basel to announce that

1 /Eneas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Basel, 18 Dec. 1432 (Wolkan,
Ep. 10).

2 -^neas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Milan, i July 1434 (Wolkan,
Ep. 15).

3 /Eneas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Milan, 17 Nov. 1433 (Wolkan,
Ep. 14). This refers to Giotto's celebrated mosaic of the Navicella in the
portico of S. Peter's.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 55

the Bull of dissolution was revoked, and that the Pope had
declared his adhesion to the Council. It was a signal
triumph for Cesarini, and seemed to open the path to far-
reaching schemes for the reform of the Church. Yet, once
more, the history of Constance repeated itself, and the
handling of the delicate question of reform proved fatal to
the Council's future career. Weaknesses became apparent
which had hitherto been concealed, unity was marred by the
strife of factions. The division lay between Cesarini and
other disinterested promoters of reform on the one hand,
and, opposed to them, the clamorous party whose concep
tion of reform was limited to attacks upon the Papal power.
Head and chief of the extremists was Louis d'Allemand,
Cardinal of Aries. A man of high character and sound
learning, he strove for the cause which he had at heart with
a freedom from considerations of self-interest as complete
as that of Cesarini. At the same time he was a born
fighter, consumed with bitter hatred of Eugenius iv, and,
in all questions pertaining to the Council, as eager for
warfare as was Cesarini for peace. He was followed by the
bulk of the French clergy and by the University repre
sentatives, all moved by unreasoning hostility to the
Papacy. " With regard to the reform of the Church,"
wrote our hero of d'Allemand and his supporters, " they
held it wrell done and wholly reformed if the Pope left
freedom to the Chapters, if he made no reservations, if he
received no annates, if he gave Apostolic letters without
fee, and if he commended to no churches. . . . Reform
only seemed to them holy if it stripped the Apostolic
See." !

The rise to power of this extreme party is marked by
the decree abolishing annates which issued from the
Council in June 1435. Quite apart from the general
principle involved, annates, under the existing system,
formed the Pope's chief source of income, and to cut them

Silvius, De Rebus Basiliae Gestis Commentaries, p. Ci (Fea,
Pius II a caluwiniis vindicates}.

56 POPE PIUS II

off at one blow, without attempting to provide a substitute,
was the action of wilful opponents rather than of earnest
and prudent reformers. Eugenius iv at once gained an
excuse for his attitude towards the Council, and public
opinion, which he had alienated by his own violence, began
to veer towards the Papacy, in disgust at the absence
of moderation displayed by the anti-Papal party. For
Cesarini, too, the decree against annates marked the parting
of the ways. Till then his influence had sufficed to restrain
the more vehement opponents of the Papacy, but now for
the first time he had to bow before defeat. " Quarrels
broke out again," writes ^Eneas, " and the division arose
not so much between Pope and Council as between the
Fathers of the Council themselves." 1 Cesarini' s place in
the assembly was no longer that of arbiter ; he became
little more than leader of the minority.

When ^neas took up his life at Basel in the spring of
1436, the burning question of the hour arose out of the
choice of a city in which the approaching conference with
the Eastern Church should be held. It was, on the face
of it, a small matter, but it formed the occasion of the
last great struggle between moderates and extremists,
between the party of Cesarini and the party of d'Allemand.
It was the rock upon which the Council foundered. The
long-sought union of the Western and Eastern Churches
seemed to Cesarini a task worthy of the Council of his
dreams, and as early as 1434 negotiations were opened
with the Greeks. The representatives of the Eastern
Church expressed their entire readiness for a conference,
but they stipulated that it should not take place at Basel,
although they were willing to come to any Italian city,
and, failing this, to a town in Savoy. They further required
that the expenses of their journey should be paid, and thus
the question of the seat of the conference turned largely
on what city would guarantee the loan which the Council
must needs raise for the purpose. In a report written soon

Silvius, De Rebus, op. cit., p. 61.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 57

after his return to Basel, yEneas informs the Republic of
Siena that " the Pope and all the Italians are in favour of
an Italian city, but all the rest — enemies of the Latin name
—refuse to come to Italy. I do not know whether it will
be possible to transfer the Council to Italy, but I hope that
our prudence and perseverance may triumph, and that
Italy may eventually have the Council." 1 ^Eneas's own
ambition at this juncture was to secure the coveted boon
for his native Siena. " It will be a fine affair," he wrote,
" and a sight worthy to be seen, and it will bring much
advantage and honour to the city in which the Council
is held. Would that you, O Sienese, might enjoy so great
a benefit." 2 In his opinion, Siena had many chances
in her favour. The Duke of Milan, Florence, and Venice
had alone promised the requisite loan, and the enmity
between these great Italian powers would make any one
of the three assent to the choice of Siena rather than see
the Council pass beneath the control of a rival. Siena
had already been the seat of a Council, she had the favour
of the Germans owing to her recent reception of the Emperor
Sigismund, and Cesarini gave his support to the scheme.
All that remained was for Siena to be generous in her offers
of a loan. " I beg you," he pleads, " to ponder this
matter with a calm mind, to consider the advantage and
honour of your country, and to trust ^Eneas, who speaks
out of love." 3 Siena, however, remained deaf to her son's
entreaties. In lieu of the 70,000 ducats asked for, she
persistently declined to offer more than 30,000, and ^Eneas
could only mourn the short-sightedness which spurned his
advice.

Meanwhile, our hero found consolation for his disappoint
ment in the opportunity which arose for him to make his
first public oration. The envoy appointed by the Duke of

1 .Eneas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Basel, 9 April 1436 (Wolkan,
Ep. 20).

2 ^neas Silvius to the Republic of Siena, Basel, 6 August 1436
(Wolkan, Ep. 21).

3 Loc. cit, Cf. also Ep. 22 (25 Oct. 1436) and Ep. 23 (n Dec. 1436).

58 POPE PIUS II

Milan to urge upon the Council the choice of Pavia proved
quite incapable of making a speech, and Cesarini, liking
the clever young secretary who regarded him with such
admiring eyes, willingly allowed ^Eneas to step into the
breach. He sat up all night writing his oration, and held
forth the next day, for two hours, to an attentive and
admiring audience.1 As regards the substance of the
oration, it is chiefly remarkable for the zeal with which
.ZEneas set himself to gratify every shade of opinion in turn ;
but the careful attention to style at once proclaims the
author as a disciple of humanism, and the rounded periods
of his rhetoric came as a pleasant change from the less
polished utterances to which the Fathers were wont to
listen.2

When Cesarini encouraged ^Eneas in his ambitions for
Siena he had done so because the city stood more or less
on neutral ground. It was in Italy, yet it was not, as
Venice or Florence, definitely Papal in sympathy. The
same might be said of Pavia, with this difference — that the
Duke of Milan was a mighty Prince, feared alike by his
friends at Basel and his enemies of the Papal party, and
that all hesitated to place the future Council under his
influence. Hence the ultimate decision of the Fathers
was not affected by ^Eneas's eloquence. On 5 December a
majority of two-thirds voted for the transference of the
Council to Avignon. In vain Cesarini protested that
Avignon was not among the places mentioned by the
Greeks. The city had made satisfactory replies to the
demand for a loan, and the French party seized the excuse
for keeping the Council out of Italy.

^Eneas's oration had failed to help his cause, but at
least it furthered his own advancement ; the Archbishop
of Milan acknowledged his services by bestowing on him
a provostship in the Church of S. Lorenzo in Milan. Un
fortunately, the Chapter of S. Lorenzo had already made

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 6.

2 Mansi, Pius II Orationes, vol. i. p. 5.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 59

another choice, and the Milanese raised a vehement protest
in the Council against having a stranger and a layman foisted
upon them, in defiance of the recent decree insisting on free
capitular election.1 ^Eneas's speech in his own defence was
a masterpiece of specious argument. ' The decree concern
ing elections," he urged, " binds inferiors but not the Council
itself ; moreover, freedom of election should be allowed to
Chapters with many and weighty members, not when, as
in the Church of S. Lorenzo, there are only two or three
canons, unlearned and unimportant, who, if they had the
power of election, would not choose anyone unless they
were commanded to do so. You, Fathers, will act as you
think right. I ask nothing that is against your honour,
but if you decide to provide for me, I shall prefer this sign
of your favour without possession of the provostship, to
possession by capitular election." 2 Who could withstand
such graceful flattery ? Fortified by the Council's consent,
^Eneas set out for Milan, and, with the aid of the Duke, he
wras able to oust the Chapter's candidate. " But having
obtained the provostship, he was laid upon the bed of sick
ness, being seized by a terrible fever." 3 He was still ill
when, after seventy-five days, he started on his return
journey ; but the ride over the Alps in the bright spring
weather did what doctors had failed to accomplish. ^Eneas
arrived at Basel completely restored to health, in time to
preach before the Council on S. Ambrose's Day (4 April
1437), and to sound the praises of Milan's patron saint
to the envy of theologians and the admiration of his
hearers.

During .Eneas' s absence from Basel the controversy
over the future seat of the Council had raged without
intermission. Affairs were now rapidly approaching a
crisis, and the unedifying quarrels and vain attempts at
reconciliation which marked the final stages of the struggle
have been immortalised in a letter which ^Eneas wrote

1 22 March 1436. Cf. Mansi, Concilia, xxix. p. 120.

2 Comtnentarii, lib. i. p. 7. 3 Loc. cit.

60 POPE PIUS II

to Piero da Noceto.1 Early in the year a compromise
was made to the effect that, if Avignon had not produced
the promised loan by 12 April, " the Holy Council could
and was bound to make choice of another place." Yet
when the appointed day was past, and the Council proceeded
to a fresh election, the French once more gave their vote
for Avignon. Their opponents promptly declared the
decree of the majority to be illegal, and withdrew to record
their vote in favour of Florence or Udine. In vivid words,
.^Eneas describes the scenes which ensued. The vocifera
tions of contending prelates grew noisier than those of
drunkards in a wine-tavern, and the Fathers, who came
together in order to give peace to Christendom, were only
restrained from bloodshed by the intervention of the
magistrates of Basel. When Cesarini arose to speak, he
who, as Cicero and Demosthenes of old, had ruled the
assembly by his eloquence, could not even gain a hearing
for his counsels of peace and moderation. " Such is the
instability of all things human, and vain is the favour of
the multitude." The climax came on Tuesday, 7 May —
a day on which all the influences of the stars combined to
produce discord 2 — when the rival decrees were published
simultaneously in different parts of the Cathedral. The
bishops, as they donned their vestments and mitres, re
minded ^Eneas of armies preparing for battle, and the
invocation of the Holy Spirit, " whose sole delight is in
concord," seemed to him almost blasphemous. Some
laughed at the discordant sounds of the rival Te Deums
which followed the reading of the decrees, but they fell
on our hero's ears as the swan-song of the conciliar move-

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Piero da Noceto, 21 May 1437 (Wolkan, Ep. 24 ;
also in Mansi, Concilia, xxxi. p. 220).

2 Jupiter, ^Eneas tells us, was in the tail of the Scorpion, as it had
been on the outbreak of the Great Schism and at the Mohammedan
Hegira. The day of the week was that dedicated to Mars, the god of
war, and the fact that amid these stormy influences a schism in the
Church was temporarily averted must be ascribed to the Blessed Virgin,
" who would not suffer the seamless robe of her Son to be rent in the
month dedicated to her name " (^Eneas Silvius to Noceto, loc. cit.}.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 61

ment. " Verily," he exclaims, " when wise men take to
folly they surpass all fools, even as the finest wine turns to
the sourest vinegar."

The schism of May 7 did, in truth, mark the beginning
of the end. From that time forward events followed one
another in quick succession, each adding its span to the
chasm which yawned between the rival parties at Basel.
Before the end of the month, Eugenius iv took his stand
upon the decree of the minority, and fixed Florence or
Udine as the seat of the conference. In July, the dominant
party in the Council drew up its indictment against the
Pope, and summoned him to Basel to answer the charges
brought against him. In September, Eugenius answered
the challenge by a Bull of dissolution. Thus, for the
second time in its history, the Council of Basel was deprived
of the sanction of the head of Christendom, and Cesarini's
hopes of unity between Pope and Council received their
death-blow. For a few months the gallant Cardinal
lingered on, striving to promote peace, but he could not
stifle the growing conviction that the time had come for a
loyal son of the Church to turn his back upon Basel. On
20 December he addressed the Council for the last time. He
spoke with grief of the war of letters and pamphlets which
waged between the rival factions, and deplored the time
spent in mutual recrimination. With all his old eloquence
he besought the Fathers to consider what they were doing,
and to pause before they plunged the Church into the ills
of a fresh schism. But the shame of the past months
had shattered his enthusiastic idealism ; God alone knew,
he declared, whether the cause for wrhich he had laboured
were true or false. Early in January 1438 he rode out of
Basel,1 and passed for the time being out of the life of
^neas Silvius. Yet his influence over our hero was more
than transitory, and .Eneas never ceased to think and write
of him in the language of hero-worship. The two had

1 Creighton (ii. 319) says 9 Jan., but cf. ^Eneas's letter of n Jan.
" abibit ut fertur hodie aut penitus eras " (Wolkan, Ep. 26).

62 POPE PIUS II

much in common. Not only were Cesarini's gifts and
virtues those which made a special appeal to ^neas, but
his career was just such a one as ^Eneas might hope to
imitate. Born of a poor but noble family, Cesarini had
found himself in the pursuit of the gleaming banner of
humanism, and by means of eloquence and learning he
had risen to the foremost rank in the Church. Why,
asked yEneas, as he watched Cesarini at Basel, why should
not I do what he has done ? These ambitions were realised
in the future. The career of Pius n bears much resemblance
to that of Cardinal Cesarini, and when at the last he gave
his life for the crusading cause, he was still following in
the path of his hero. On 10 November 1444, Cesarini died
fighting against the Turk upon the fatal field of Varna.
" There is a report," wrote ^Eneas, when he sent the
news of the defeat to Italy, " that Giuliano, Cardinal of
S. Angelo, the wisest and most eloquent man of our age,
fell in this battle, and that his most noble spirit, so divinely
fitted for every good work, has breathed its last. . . .
Some say that he has escaped, . . . which is my earnest
hope ; but his death seems to me more probable because
he was never fortunate in war. . . . Whatever his fate
has been, I believe that all is well with him, who fought
for the Christian faith ; and if, as they say, he has died
for Christ, he has without doubt passed to Him." 1

When Cesarini left Basel, he offered horses and money
for the journey to all who were willing to accompany him.2
If ^Eneas had been guided by conviction alone, he would
undoubtedly have accepted the offer. Although no advocate
of Eugenius, he had little in common with the Cardinal of
Aries and his supporters. His letters since his return to
Basel were written from the point of view of an impartial
observer, seeing light and darkness on both sides, and using

Silvius to the Duke of Milan, Neustadt, 13 Dec. 1444 (Wolkan,
Ep. 167 ; Opera, Ep. 52, and elsewhere).

2^£neas Silvius, Basel, n Jan. 1438 (Wolkan, Ep. 26, from Archivio
di Stato, Siena).

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 63

such influence as he possessed to uphold Cesarini in his
advocacy of a. via media. " On this side," he wrote of the
French party, " there are many more prelates, but where
there is more honesty is another question. The (Papal)
legates have the majority of theologians, but I do not
think that they have more faith. ... If you ask my
opinion, I believe that there are very few on either side
who are moved solely by considerations of justice." 1
^Eneas's belief in the conciliar movement had in fact
suffered disillusionment. He was disgusted at the self-
seeking and enmity which he saw on every side, and his
better self would have been glad to depart. But, mean
while, the struggling adventurer had at last established a
sure footing in Basel. He had begun to acquire reputation
as a speaker and a diplomatist. Layman that he was, he
had been made a member of the Council. He held his
provostship under the patronage of the Duke of Milan, a
personal enemy of the Pope. The Bull of deposition,
moreover, had led to a considerable exodus from Basel,
and the moment when offices were left vacant for new
blood was not that which a rising politician would choose
for quitting the scene of the Council. To leave Basel
with Cesarini, it seemed, would have been to sacrifice his
career. ^Eneas preferred to throw himself into the
championship of a cause in which he only half believed,
until his scruples were drowned in the flood of his own
eloquence.

iEneas was now a person of some note in the Council,
and during the next two years he rose rapidly. He was
made head of the secretarial department, and later became
Abbreviator Major, in which capacity he drafted the less
important letters and documents issued in the name of the
Fathers. He was sent on various embassies, and often pre
sided over the Deputation of Faith to which he belonged.2

Silvius to Piero da Noceto (Wolkan, Ep. 24).
2 The Council of Basel was organised for business into four Deputa
tions : Faith, Reformation, Peace, General Purposes. Each elected its

64 POPE PIUS II

He even sat on the Committee of Twelve, " which office was
of great weight, for the Deputations could discuss nothing
that had not been laid before them by the Twelve, nor could
anyone be admitted to the Council without their sanction." 1
In the summer of 1439, his labours were interrupted by a
terrible outbreak of pestilence.2 Hardly a house in Basel
escaped the ravages of the disease, and between Easter and
Martinmas some 5000 deaths were recorded. " The youth
of the city," writes ^Eneas, "fell like leaves of the forest
before the first frost of autumn." Nor was the Council
spared. In the Patriarch of Aquileia, and the learned
jurist Lodovico Pontano, it lost two of its most prominent
supporters, while there were numerous gaps in the lower
ranks of the assembly. As the terror increased many were
in favour of leaving Basel, at least for a time; but the
Cardinal of Aries, fearing that if the Council were once
prorogued it would never reassemble, remained valiantly
at his post, and his example sufficed to keep a nucleus of
the Fathers together. It was a strange, gloomy summer
for all who remained in the pestilence-stricken city. Many
people shut themselves up in their houses and shunned all
intercourse with their fellows, while those who were obliged
to venture into the streets went about holding their breath,
lest they should catch the fumes of the disease. At every
corner they met a funeral, or a priest hurrying with the
Blessed Sacrament to the dying. So rapid was the course
of the disease that it was possible to see a man alive and
well, and to hear ten hours later that he was buried. ^Eneas
himself was among the victims ; his friends despaired of his
life, and even caused him to receive extreme unction. He
escaped from the very jaws of death through the good

own President every month. The Committee of Twelve was also elected
monthly. Cf. Mansi, Concilia, xxix. p. 377, and John of Segovia, cap.
xxi., xxii.

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 6. Cf. Mansi, xxix. p. 377.

2 For ^Eneas's account of the plague cf. Commentariorum Aeneae Sylvii
de Gestis Basiliensis Concilii (Opera, pp. 46-7) and Commentarii, lib. i.
p. 7.

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 65

offices of a pious German doctor, whom, according to his
own account, he preferred to a clever but unbelieving
Frenchman. " Wonderful was the faith and goodness of
the man, and almost unheard of in a doctor " — the good
German actually refused to take the six gold ducats which
tineas offered him by way of payment, and, when they were
pressed upon him, he would only accept them on the under
standing that he should cure six poor people for nothing.
^Eneas's joy at his own recovery was mingled with sorrow
at the loss of a dear friend, one Jean Pinan, the secretary
of the Cardinal of Aries. On hearing the sad news, " the
half of his soul seemed to have been taken from him, and
he no longer had any enthusiasm for the affairs of the
Council, nor any energy for the pursuit of learning."
" Alas," he exclaims, " for the uncertainty of earthly
things ! alas, for the vain promises of the world ! ^Eneas,
who in his own person could not die, died in that of his
friend." The plague was a cause of material loss to ^Eneas,
for it cost him his provostship of S. Lorenzo. Filippo
Maria Visconti was already wavering in his allegiance to
the Council, and he took advantage of the rumours of
iEneas's death to bestow the provostship upon another.
In vain our hero addressed letters of complaint to his friend
the Archbishop of Milan. The Duke had no further need
for his services in Basel, and the some-time provost was
obliged to console himself with a canonry at Trent assigned
to him by the Council. Even here he encountered some
opposition, and he did not enjoy the income of the canonry
until he had gone in person to Trent and ousted " a certain
German, a quarrelsome and crafty man who had intruded
himself by means of the Chapter." l Such were the words
which a champion of the conciliar movement permitted
himself to use of the much vaunted freedom of capitular
election.

Meanwhile the Council pursued its course. By a decree
of 25 June 1439, Eugenius iv was deposed from his office,

1 Commentani, lib. i. p. 8.

5

66 POPE PIUS II

and as soon as the cessation of the pestilence enabled the
sessions to be resumed, the Fathers proceeded to the busi
ness of electing an anti-Pope. On 29 October, ^Eneas wrote
to the Archbishop of Milan enclosing a list of the thirty-
three electors who were to enter the Conclave on the
morrow.1 He himself had been advised to take orders so as
to qualify for the office of elector, but he contented himself
with acting as a clerk of the Conclave and master of the
ceremonies. In this capacity he had full opportunity of
observing the proceedings, which followed closely the
Roman ritual. He also took note of such incidental details
as the disappointment of those who had made all pre
parations for entering the Conclave only to find that they
had not been chosen as electors, or the anxiety which others
displayed about their food, which was passed into the Con
clave through a window under his own inspection. These
and other living touches find their way, with perhaps
more truthfulness than decorum, into his Commentaries
on the Council.

The leaders of the Council had not acted without fore
thought, and before the Conclave began it was already
tolerably certain upon whom the choice of the electors
would fall. On 6 November, ^Eneas announced in the
time-honoured phrase that " we have a Pope . . . the
most illustrious Duke of Savoy." " He has dominions,"
he added, " on both sides of the Alps. All Italy will tremble,
and there will not be a safe corner left for Gabriel." 2 A
few weeks later our hero was once more at Ripaille, being a
member of the deputation sent to announce the news of the
election to the royal hermit, and to prepare the way for his
assumption of his new dignities.

The coronation of Felix v, as Amadeus decided to call
himself, took place at Basel on 24 July 1440, and again

1 .Eneas Silvius to Francesco Pizzolpasso, Archbishop of Milan, Basel,
29 Oct. 1439 (Wolkan, Ep. 31).

2 ^)neas Silvius to the Archbishop of Milan, 6 Nov. 1439 (Wolkan,
Ep. 33 ; cf. also Ep. 32 to the Sienese Republic). To the champion of
the Council Eugenius iv is now Gabriel Condulmier,

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 67

;Eneas constituted himself the historian of the occasion.
A vast platform, he tells us,1 was erected outside the
Cathedral, and here the ceremony was performed amid
a splendid company of nobles and ecclesiastics. The
spectators numbered some 50,000 ; roofs, windows, trees
were all occupied, and the square itself " was so full of
people that there was no space for a grain of mustard-
seed." Felix amazed every one by his intimate acquaint
ance with ecclesiastical ceremony. He did not make a
single slip himself, and even corrected the mistakes of
others. " No one would have thought that a man who
had been immersed in worldly affairs for forty years would
be able so to steep himself in the rites of the Church." He
celebrated Mass with the utmost dignity, his two sons acting
as servers, and many wept with joy and emotion at the
sight of " the aged father celebrating while his noble sons
served him, like young olive trees round about the altar."
Finally the magnificent triple crown was produced, and the
Cardinal of Aries reaped the reward of his labours for
the Council as, amid breathless silence, he placed it upon
the new Pope's head. The company then formed itself into
a procession and passed through the streets of Basel, the
Bishop of Strassburg bearing the Host, and the place which
custom assigned to the captains of the Papal fleet being
occupied by the Pope's companions at Ripaille, the six
Knights of S. Maurice. Last of all came " he whom all
eyes sought," Felix v, the Pope of the Council of Basel,
wearing the Papal tiara, and blessing the people as he
went.

One small contretemps alone marred the effect of the
coronation ceremony, and ^Eneas would not be himself if
he failed to record it. It fell to the notaries and secretaries
of the Council to chant the responses to the prayers, but
when the moment came " they gave forth so discordant a
sound that they produced not only laughter but tears."

1 .Eneas Silvius to John of Segovia, Basel, 13 Aug. 1440 (Wolkan,
Ep. 34 ; also in Opera, pp. 61-3).

68 POPE PIUS II

For the next week these amateur choristers and their chant
formed the favourite subject of gossip, and many were
overcome with shame at the thought of their performance.
" But I/' says ^Eneas, " although I was among them, did
not regard my ignorance of singing as a disgrace, . . . and
the next day, when the same office was said at the Dominican
Convent, I did not blush to chant my lay." x

His own joy in the occasion was rendered complete
by his being made one of Felix v's secretaries. At the
Roman Curia a secretaryship carried with it numerous
perquisites and boundless opportunities of advancement, so
that for the moment J^neas felt as if his fortune were made.
He threw himself with increased ardour into the cause of
the Council, and the year 1440 saw the production of two im
portant literary works, both written from the standpoint
of a whole-hearted champion of the conciliar movement.
The University of Cologne had lately made a pronounce
ment which recognised the superiority of General Councils,
but did not do so in sufficiently unqualified terms to
satisfy the stalwarts at Basel. In answer to this, ^Eneas
wrote the first of his polemical essays,2 the " Dialogues on
the Authority of a General Council." Here the arguments
in favour of the conciliar theory in general, and of the
Council of Basel in particular, are set forth by means of a
discussion between Nicholas of Cusa, a recent convert of the
Papal party, and Stefano da Caccia, an anti-Papal secretary.
Contemporaries doubtless appreciated the author's fresh
and individual treatment of a well-worn theme, but the
charm of the work to-day lies chiefly in the secondary
series of dialogues, between ^Eneas himself and a cultivated
Frenchman, Martin Lefranc, which are introduced at
intervals in the weightier discussion. In the development
of such congenial topics as the value of eloquence or the
pleasures of country life, the early history of France or the

1 Wolkan, Ep. 34-

2 Libellus Dialogorum de generalis Concilii authontate (Kollarius,
Analecta Monumentorum Vindobonensia, vol. ii. pp. 691-790) .

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 69

explanation of a passage in Vergil, yEneas the humanist
comes to his own.

^Eneas's first historical work, the Commentaries on the
Council of Basel,1 also partakes of the nature of a political
pamphlet. The events of which it treats are confined
practically to the year 1439 ; it is the song of the Council's
triumph, a psean of thanksgiving for the happy era which
has dawned for the Church under the auspices of her new
shepherd. In 1440 the author undoubtedly believed what
he wrote, but disillusionment followed hard upon the heels
of rejoicing. He soon found that a secretary to Felix v
was in a very different position from a secretary to a Pope
whom all Europe recognised. As the months slipped by,
the meagre amount of business which came to the anti-
Papal Curia, the constant difficulties as to finance, and the
growing discontent taught him that he had made a mistake,
that there was in fact no future for the Council of Basel
and its adherents.

The Council of Basel had failed, as its predecessor of
Constance, and for the same reason — once the extreme party
gained the ascendancy its acts no longer represented the
common mind of Christendom. The powers of Europe
desired above all things to avoid a fresh schism. They
felt that the Fathers were not acting fairly by Eugenius iv,
and from 1435 onwards their interest in the Council waned.
Those princes who still supported it were moved for the
most part by personal hostility to Eugenius iv, or by some
other purely political consideration. As to the general
attitude of Europe, it is best gauged by the two great
ecclesiastical measures of the year 1438, the Pragmatic
Sanction of Bourges, and the declaration of German neu
trality. Here the two chief nations of Europe expressed
their determination to take no further part in the quarrel
between Pope and Council. Germany was content to
stand aside until some means could be found for the restora
tion of unity. France took the ecclesiastical problem into

1 Op. cit., Opera, pp. 1-61.

70 POPE PIUS II

her own hands, and prepared to carry out by royal authority
such reforms as suited her needs. Thus, a few months after
Cesarini's departure, the prospect of an effective reform of
the Church, emanating from the Council of Basel, had ceased
to be within the bounds of possibility. " Among the
Bishops and Fathers at Basel," said ^Eneas when he re
viewed the situation some years later, "we saw cooks and
stablemen judging the affairs of the world ; who would
credit their words and acts with the authority of law ? " *
In his desire to make the Council thoroughly representative,
Cesarini had organised it on the broadest possible basis,2
but when public opinion was alienated the democratic
organisation defeated its own object. The deliberations
of the " disorderly, irresponsible crowd, in which learned and
unlearned were admitted on equal terms," had no weight
in the eyes of Europe. They were but the manoeuvres
of the attacking party in a struggle with which it had
no concern.

His own successes at Basel and the glamour cast over
the Council by the advent of Felix v had blinded ^Eneas,
for a time, to the true nature of the situation, and when
at last it was brought home to him it was not so easy to
find a way of escape. If he had no prospects in Italy in
1438, he certainly had none after 1440, when he was
celebrated for the fierceness of his attacks upon the Papacy.
His chief hope lay in Germany, the neutral power which
both Pope and Council strove to lure to their side. During
the frequent negotiations which took place between Felix v
and the Germans he contrived to win the favour of some
influential members of the Imperial Court. When in
November 1442 the Emperor Frederick in visited Basel,
he knew enough of the gifted Italian to realise that he
might be a useful servant. /Eneas left Basel in the

1 Oratio adversus Avstriales (Mansi, Pius II Orationes, i. p. 231).

2 The lower clergy were admitted on the same footing as their superiors.
Cf. Order of 26 Sept. 1432 (Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. i. p. 290).
^Eneas says (Fea, p. 46) : " Lex tamen his erat, ne quenquam in dignitate
constitutum nisi criminosum atque infamem repellerent."

THE COUNCIL OF BASEL 71

Emperor's train, to begin life anew as a secretary in the
Imperial Chancery at Vienna.

^Eneas's six years' sojourn at Basel had added greatly
to his experience of life. At Siena every one was ready to
encourage the promising student and to praise his talents.
Here he had to make his mark amid striving rivals, and to
face the struggle for existence in an overcrowded market.
He learned, too, to adapt himself to the cosmopolitan
company in which he lived and worked. He came in
contact with scholars and politicians of every shade of
opinion, and from them he gathered, not only the details
of European politics, but much valuable material for the
study of human nature. Cesarini occupied a place apart
in his esteem, but he also had a profound admiration for
the intrepid Cardinal of Aries, and besides these two
great leaders there were many remarkable men who had
their share in the proceedings at Basel. Among them was
the mystic philosopher, Nicholas of Cusa, whose work on
Catholic unity was regarded as one of the chief weapons
of the conciliar movement, but who, like his master Cesarini,
went over to the side of the Papacy after the crisis of 1437.
^Eneas, as we have seen, made Cusa one of the figures in
his Dialogues, and his connection with him did not end
here. John of Segovia, the patient scholar and historian
of the Council, who remained at Basel to the last ; the
learned Neapolitan jurist, Lodovico Pontano, whom ^Eneas
attended on his death-bed ; the Spaniard, Juan de Tor-
quemada, most gifted and unbending of theologians ;
Ambrogio Traversari, the Papal envoy, a cultured disciple
of humanism — these and other eminent men crossed
^Eneas's path at Basel. Among the lesser company of
lawyers and secretaries he had many friends. Cesarini's
steward, the Cardinal of Aries's secretary, a German professor
and a French scholar were among his intimates, and when
some of these chosen comrades met for supper the talk
ranged over the whole field of politics and letters. The
leading men of Europe were discussed from the point of

72 POPE PIUS II

view of their subordinates, and their vices and virtues
were laid bare before the tribunal of the rising generation.
It was a stirring life, centring round a gathering that was
in itself half Parliament, half picnic, and ^Eneas lived it to
the full. He left Basel with a growing contempt for
politics, ecclesiastical and secular, and a profound belief
in the brilliant future which lay before the votaries of
humanism. In politics he realised, with perhaps exagger
ated clearness, the importance of small things. He saw
personal enmities and ambitions influencing men's attitude
towards the gravest questions of the day ; in everything
he felt the overwhelming power of money. The prevailing
atmosphere was too much both for his sensitiveness to
impression and his inherent superficiality. His outlook
on life grew cynical, while personal ambition became the
ruling motive of his political career. Politics, in fact,
was a game which he could play with the best, being
provided with what seemed the one really effective weapon
of the day — the new learning. At Basel the control of
the situation lay with those who could give expression to
their knowledge in a persuasive form. Men who, in ^Eneas's
happy phrase, possessed " more soul than eloquence "
were at a hopeless disadvantage. Side by side with his
realisation of the political value of humanism went his
increasing joy in letters for their own sake. As the impulse
to express himself grew daily more insistent, ^Eneas learned
that his true vocation was literary rather than political.
Politics were a matter of daily bread, but his heart lay in
" the idle and unrewarded pursuits of poetry, rhetoric, and
history."

CHAPTER IV
THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY

71 ^ NEAS'S acquaintance with his Imperial master
/ I — 4 began in a manner after his own heart. In the

J[ jL J summerof 1442 heattended the Dietof Frankfort

as a member of the deputation from Basel, and here, on
27 July, he knelt before the Emperor to receive the classic
laurel wreath, the reward of the poets of antiquity. The
diploma which conferred this honour upon him is a master
piece of high-sounding phraseology : " We being desirous
of following the glorious example of our ancestors who
were wont to crown illustrious poets on the Capitol . . .
have turned the eyes of our mind upon the distinguished
and renowned JEne&s Silvius Piccolomini of Siena, a
loyal servant of the Holy Empire and of ourselves, of
whose profound learning, honourable character, and most
excellent gifts of nature we have had trustworthy experi
ence. . . . We give thanks to God Almighty that talents
similar to those of the ancients are not denied to our age.
.... With our own hands we adorn our ^Eneas with the
ever verdant laurel leaves, in order that his name and
honour may never cease to flourish, and that his shining
example may evoke in others like talents and learning." 1
Although jEneas said, in after years, that he had only allowed
himself to be crowned in order to teach the uncultured
Austrians the respect due to poetry, he was obviously
entranced with the distinction. He was as vain as most

1 Chmel, Regesta Chronologico - Diplomatico Friderici III, Anghang,
p. xxix.

73

74 POPE PIUS II

humanists, and delighted in the outward trappings of
glory, while the laurel wreath made him one, not only
with the poets and orators of antiquity but with Petrarch,
the apostle of humanism, who had been crowned in Rome
just over a hundred years before. " Do not be surprised
at seeing me sign myself ' poet/ " he wrote to the Arch
bishop of Milan, " for thus has Caesar willed me to be.
If the Archpresbyter of Pavia and Isidore de Rosate
and all that crowd of rascals arrogate to themselves the
name of jurisconsult, why should I be ashamed to assume
the title of poet ? It is permitted to me to share the
folly of others, especially as this honour will promote
greater attention to learning."1

This promising beginning made ^Eneas enter upon his
new duties in the most buoyant spirits. He had obtained
his post, it seemed to him, on the strength of his literary
reputation, and he pictured for himself a brilliant future
as the Court humanist of Frederick in, a centre of light
and learning among the uncultivated but admiring Germans.
His chief hope of advancement lay in the Chancellor,
Kaspar Schlick, a man of force and ability who had stood
high in the confidence of three successive Emperors. The
Chancellor's mother was Italian, and during the Emperor
Sigismund's visit to Siena he had lodged with ^Eneas's
relations, Niccolo Lolli and his family. Thus Schlick was
from the first prepared to befriend the new Italian secretary,
and to him ^Eneas's earliest efforts in humanist panegyric
were addressed. In December 1442, on his return to the
Court after a temporary absence, he was greeted by a poem
of ^Eneas's composition,2 and this was followed by a
neatly turned essay, bristling with classical allusions, on
the diversity of human tastes and ambitions.3 At the same

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Francesco Pizzolpasso, 5 Dec. 1442 (Wolkan, Bp. 41 ;
Opera, Ep. 29, and elsewhere). Isidore was the Milanese envoy who had
broken down in his oration at the Council of Basel. Cf. p. 57, above.

2 ^Eneas Silvius to Kaspar Schlick, 23 Dec. 1442 (Wolkan, Ep. 42 ;
Voigt, Die Briefe des Aeneas Sylvius, No. 12).

3 Wolkan, Ep. 43 ; Opera, Ep. 101, and elsewhere.

.AENEAS SILVIUS RECEIVES THE POETS CROWN FROM FREDERICK in

FROM THE FKKSCO UY PINTOKICCHIO
PiccoZomitti I.ibrarv. Sioia

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 75

time ^Eneas embarked upon a more serious work, a political
tract known as the Pentalogus, which takes the form of a
discussion on the politics of the day between five persons
— the Emperor, the Chancellor, the Bishops of Freisingen
and Chiemsee, and the author himself.1 The moral of the
Pentalogus is the value of humanist education as a political
asset, and more especially the advantages which would
accrue to Frederick in if he would consent to pursue the
study of the classics under the guidance of ^Eneas Silvius.
^Eneas's transference to Vienna also made it possible
for him to renew his intercourse with various Italian
friends, of whom he had heard little or nothing during the
last years at Basel. The Archbishop of Milan wrote to
congratulate him on having found a post in which he could
do much for the welfare of both Church and State, while
he promised to do his best to reinstate ^Eneas in his lost
provostship.2 Cesarini, too, wrote a warm letter, only
regretting that his " dearest J^neas " was not back in
Italy, and begging him not to forget " the friendship and
goodwill that ever existed between us." 3 Thus on all
sides our hero's prospects seemed bright, and a letter to
one of his many friends reflects his cheerful frame of mind :
" Do not be surprised at hearing of me in these parts, for
I have been called by the King's Majesty to the office of
secretary ; I have also been adorned with the title of poet
laureate, of which name I am far from worthy ; nevertheless,
what the King gave could not be refused. You will find
me, therefore, with this Prince, driven here by the storms
wilich rage in the Church ; I rejoice to have found a safe
haven where I may live henceforth, far from the strife of
prelates."

1 Cf. Pez, Thes. anec. nov., vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 736, for Pentalogus.

2 Francesco Pizzolpasso to /Eneas Silvius, 4 Feb. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep.
46 ; Opera, Ep. 180, etc.).

3 Giuliano Cesarini to /Eneas Silvius, Budapest, c. Feb. 1443 (Wolkan,
Ep. 45 ; Opera, Ep. i, etc.).

4 /Eneas Silvius to Giovanni Campisio, May 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 55;
Opera, Ep. 32, etc.).

76 POPE PIUS II

There was, however, another side to the picture. In the
Imperial Chancery, ^Eneas, at the age of thirty-seven, found
himself at the bottom of the ladder. He had to start his
career afresh with everything against him, conscious that
he was disliked and despised by his fellow-secretaries, and
that his very presence was regarded in the light of an in
trusion. Few of the subordinate officials in the Chancery
drew a fixed salary ; they received only their board and
lodging and a commission upon the documents which they
drafted. Thus every addition to their number made one
more to share the scanty profits, and if the intruder were a
foreigner his coming was doubly resented. During the
early days of his sojourn at the Imperial Court ^Eneas was
subjected to every form of petty persecution. " He was
esteemed the last of all ; he had the worst bed and the worst
place at table ; he was hated, mocked at, and treated as an
enemy." l He had most to endure during the Chancellor's
absence, when the control of the Chancery fell to one Wilhelm
Taz, " a Bavarian and an enemy of the Italian name who
tormented ^Eneas in many subtle ways." 2 The burden
of his lot pressed heavily upon the sensitive Italian, and
the remembrance of what he himself suffered inspires the
pages of his tract upon the Miseries of Courtiers, one of
the most popular and widely read of his works.3 There
are few more realistic pictures of the seamy side of Court-
life than that set forth in De Curialium Miseriis. It
describes the German Court from the point of view of
an Italian of the middle classes, revealing at every turn
both the marked superiority of Italian civilisation and also
the fastidious, over-sensitive nature of the author. The
slovenly, irregular meals were among ^Eneas' s daily trials.
The dirty wooden bowl handed round from mouth to mouth
disgusted him as much as the poor quality of the wine which
it contained. The sight of the tablecloth — soiled, sticky,

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 9. 2 Loc. tit.

3 vEneas Silvius to Johann von Eich, 30 Nov. 1444, De Curialium
Miseriis (Wolkan, Ep. 166 ; Opera, etc.).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 77

and full of holes — took away what appetite he could muster
for the cold, or twice-cooked, joints, the rancid butter,
the cheese alive with vermin and harder than any stone,
the eggs that seemed about to become chickens, and the
fish or vegetables stewed in oil taken from the lamps, and
smelling strong enough to slay a serpent. He resented
having to eat black bread, not because it was cheaper than
white, but because the Germans preferred it. He suffered
in spirit at being thought troublesome because he asked
for salt, or vinegar, or water when the servants had neglected
to put it on the table, or at the sight of a dainty dish from
the royal table being sent down to a more favoured com
panion. Against all this squalor he set the picture of citizen-
life in Siena, where " in the pleasant company of wife and
sweet children, men eat their chaste and frugal meal."
Even the peasant among his flocks at Corsignano, dining
off chestnuts, milk, and ripe apples, washed down by water
from the running stream, was better off than the Emperor's
wretched secretary. As for the trials of the night, they
were worse than those of the day. Sometimes some ten
or twenty of the minor officials shared a common sleeping-
room. One man would come in drunk, another would throw
his boots off, another would snore, there would never be
a moment's quiet until after midnight. Even his bed, with
its damp, dirty linen, must be shared with some distasteful
companion. Night and day, there was never solitude for
the miserable courtier ; he lived in a crowd, often idle but
never at leisure. " If you have found some table where
you can read or write, at once some one comes and disturbs
you ; and if others leave you in peace, the steward will be
there making up his accounts and jingling his money.
Nowhere is there a quiet corner in which you can say with
Scipio, ' I am never less lonely than when I am alone.' '

To the citizen of an Italian Republic the atmosphere
of a Court seemed stifling and highly artificial. Flattery
usurped the place of truth, free discussion was impossible ;
the courtier must be all things to all men, and must twist

78 POPE PIUS II

and turn his natural disposition to suit a prince's whim.
Although ^Eneas had the instincts of a courtier and could
fawn and flatter with the best, he was at bottom inde
pendent. His soul rebelled when his tongue was most
submissive, and he despised himself for his own success.
" It is hard to curb ambition, to restrain avarice, to sub
jugate envy, to keep back anger, and to control lust when
you always dwell in the midst of them." His conclusion
that it is impossible for anybody to live a good life at Court
is the confession of one whose surroundings have proved
too strong for him, and who is letting himself be dragged
below his own standards.

Dogged determination not to give in alone enabled him
to live through these dreary days. "He put back his
ears like the unwilling ass when it receives a heavier burden
upon its back " 1 is his own graphic description of his
behaviour. Pride and ambition alike forbade him to accept
defeat, so he set his teeth and prepared to await the dawning
of a happier day.

Even harder to bear than the slights and discomforts
of his daily existence was the knowledge that he had been
mistaken as to the value which his new masters placed
upon his literary gifts. Humanism, as ^Eneas understood
it, was almost non-existent in Germany, and the truisms
of Italy were still dangerous and new-fangled doctrines
north of the Alps. His passionate love of literature for its
own sake called forth no sympathy among a nation that
regarded the study of poetry as useless, if not actually
immoral. His naive delight in all that savoured of anti
quity, his diligent pursuit of the arts of style and speech,
were simply not appreciated by a people who set no store
by the graces and refinements of life. Judged by Italian
standards, Frederick in was anything but satisfactory as
a patron of learning. His tastes were those of a simple
and somewhat indolent country gentleman, and literary
pursuits were only one degree less wearisome to him than

* Qommentwii, lib. i. p. 9,

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 79

politics. While huntsman and groom, cook and butler
were admitted freely to the Imperial presence, the would-
be Court humanist never saw his master except in public.
Frederick waded through the Pentalogus with consider
able difficulty, and did not remind the author of his promise
to dedicate other works to him in the future. As to the
Chancellor, he was wholly a politician, immersed in public
business, and regarding the new learning solely from the
point of view of its practical value in the world of
affairs.1

From first to last the atmosphere of Germany was
quite uncongenial to ^Eneas. Latin to his finger-tips, he
hated the Teutons, their climate, their manners and their
habits of mind, and contact with them seemed to bring out
all that was worst in his nature. During the first years of
his exile he sought relief from his misery in unrestrained
vice, yet the very debaucheries which they shared together
only accentuated the differences between him and his
companions. The gluttony and drunkenness of the Ger
mans disgusted him, and their sordid revels bore but faint
resemblance to the flower-bedecked love-feasts of Siena.
The Germans, for their part, could not understand ^Eneas,
and the classical glamour with which he clothed his licen
tiousness seemed to them a mere refinement of wickedness.
In his letters of this period there is a note of home-sickness,
a cry of yearning for " the soft and pleasant air of Italy . . .
where spring is all but perpetual and the remaining months
are summer," 2 and even when success had crowned his
struggles Italy was still the land of his desire. " When,
my Giovanni, shall I see you again," he wrote to a friend in

1 He was, however, fully alive to the value of eloquence in the sphere
of politics. Dr. Wolkan (Die Briefe des Eneas Silvius) cites the drafts of
letters prepared by ^neas and corrected by Schlick which he has found
in the Vienese Archives, and points out that the alterations are almost
invariably corrections of fact and not of style. Chmel (Materialen, i. 116)
has a letter written by Schlick with the marginal note, " Domine Enea,
appetis hoc ornatius, effectu non mutato " ("You may draft this more
elegantly, but do not alter the sense ").

2 Libellus Dialogorum (Kollar, p. 703).

8o POPE PIUS II

Rome in I445,1 " when shall I return to my home ? . . .
Here I have fixed my abode, and here I must remain.
Here I must live and die, far from relations, friends, acquaint
ances, cut off from sweet intercourse with my friends.
Would that I had never seen Basel ! Then I might have
died in my own country, I might have lain on the bosom of
my parents. ... If the fates had not led me to Basel, I
might have obtained some honourable post in the Roman
Curia, where I should be living in the midst of friends.
I have great cause to hate Basel, where I spent so much
time in vain. ... It is true that I am valued here beyond
my deserts and enjoy many advantages. Yet what are
they without companions ? But, you ask, have you no
companions ? Good men and true are indeed to be found
here, but they are not lovers of letters, they do not delight
in the things that delight me."

^Eneas regarded his life in Germany as so many years
spent in exile, nevertheless he rose during this period from
obscurity to fame. Kaspar Schlick might not appreciate
literary accomplishments, but he was keenly alive to the
value of a good servant, and he soon realised that the Italian
secretary was peculiarly adapted to his requirements. In
the course of his wanderings ^Eneas had made many friends,
and he took care never to lose sight of anyone who might
be useful to him on some future occasion. On leaving
Basel he had carefully refrained from severing his connection
with the Council, and he was in active correspondence with
friends there, as well as with others at the Roman Curia.
A man who reckoned half the secretaries of Europe among
his intimates was invaluable as a political agent. So
Schlick discovered in the course of the year 1443, when his
energies were directed towards establishing his brother
Heinrich in the rich bishopric of Freisingen, made vacant
by the death of ^Eneas's former master, Nicodemo della
Scala. Loyalty to the principle of German neutrality

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Giovanni Campisio, Sept. 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 185 ;
also in Voigt, Ep. 146).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 81

took the form of entire readiness to accept favours from
whichever quarter they could be obtained, and within a
few days of the Bishop's death letters had been dispatched,
both to Rome and to Basel, asking that the vacant see
might be given to Heinrich Schlick.1 But meanwhile the
Chapter of Freisingen elected Johann Griinwalder, one of
Felix v's cardinals, and the struggle turned on whether
Basel or Rome could be induced to reverse the Chapter's
choice. For the next nine months ^Eneas was active in
his master's cause. He wrote to Louis d'Allemand begging
him not to refuse the request. The position of the Council,
he urged, would be immeasurably strengthened if the all-
powerful Chancellor became its debtor.2 On the other
hand, Giovanni Campisio reported progress from Rome,
and promised that his master, the Archbishop of Taranto,
would use his influence in Schlick's favour.3 In the midst of
the negotiations the Chancellor was obliged to leave the
Court, on business, and to ^Eneas fell the whole conduct
of the affair, with the additional responsibility of keeping
Schlick informed of all that happened. On n December
he wrote to advise the Chancellor's prompt return.4 " The
King is most anxious to have you back," he declared, " and
you will be able to ask for what you want with the greatest
effect, and to settle the matter of the Freisingen bishopric
at your will." Nothing fresh has arrived from Rome, but
he is hopeful as to the Pope's intentions. From Basel he
fears there is little to be obtained, " for there the will of the
multitude prevails."

^Eneas's surmises proved correct. While the Council
confirmed the capitular election, Eugenius iv nominated
Heinrich Schlick. The final stage of the struggle took

1 Cf. Wolkan, vol. ii. epp. xxx.-xxxii. and xxxviii. (letters written
by jEneas in the Chancellor's name).

2 ^Eneas Silvius to Cardinal Louis d'Allemand, c. 23 Sept. 1443
(Wolkan, Ep. 80 ; Opera, Ep. 183, and elsewhere).

3 Giovanni Campisio, 13 Nov. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep.95; Opera, Ep. 169, etc.).
4^neas Silvius to Kaspar Schlick, n Dec. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 103 ;

Voigt, Ep. 75).
6

82 POPE PIUS II

place at Neustadt, where it fell to Frederick in to decide
which of the two candidates he should invest with the
temporalities of the see. Griinwalder pleaded his cause
before the Emperor in person, while Chancellor Schlick
delivered an eloquent oration, composed for him by ^Eneas,
in support of his brother. It was like the contest between
Ajax and Ulysses,1 ^Eneas told Campisio, and Ulysses
(Schlick) it was who bore off the prize. Moreover, by the
time that Heinrich Schlick had taken possession of his
bishopric, ^Eneas's worst days at the Imperial Court were
over. In the course of these protracted negotiations he
had risen from the position of a servant to that of the
Chancellor's confidential friend. He had exchanged the
horrors of the common meals for a place at the Chancellor's
" well appointed table." He received a fixed salary direct
from his master, and did not even have to give a commission
to the treasurer. During Schlick's absences it was no
longer Wilhelm Taz but the despised Italian who had the
management of the Chancery, and " he who had once
trampled upon ^neas was now obliged to reverence him.
. . . Thus all may know that humility can easily be raised
up, while pride can yet more easily be cast down." 2

The episode of the Freisingen bishopric was of consider
able political importance. The fact that Rome had granted
the favour, which Basel refused, definitely inclined Schlick
and ^Eneas to the side of the Papacy, at a time when events
were hurrying the reluctant Emperor towards some settle
ment of the ecclesiastical problem.

German neutrality was at best a temporary expedient,
yet any attempt at a more permanent solution was com
plicated by the internal politics of the Empire — by the
unending struggle between the two principles of unity and
separatism, Imperial control and territorial independence,
which make up German history at this period. Frederick in,

1 jEneas Silvius to Campisio, 8 June 1441 (Wolkan, Ep. 148 ; Voigt,
Ep. 115).

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 9.

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 83

for all his indolence, had a strong feeling that it was in
cumbent on him, as Emperor, to make at least an effort to
end the schism. His ideas did not go beyond the time-
honoured scheme for a fresh General Council, summoned
by himself, which all Europe would recognise, and with this
end in view ^Eneas was employed, during the summer of
1443, in drafting letters to the chief European rulers, inviting
their co-operation in the Emperor's design. The same
scheme was to be laid before the princes of the Empire
when they met at the Diet of Niirnberg in August 1444.
But they, meanwhile, had taken the matter into their own
hands. German neutrality served the purposes of the
great territorial princes remarkably well, and they had no
desire to end a condition of affairs so favourable to their
separatist interests. In every ecclesiastical question that
arose they could play off one Pope against another, and so
strengthen their own control over the Churches in their
dominions. It was undoubtedly the desire to prolong the
present situation which prompted a new development in
ecclesiastical politics in 1443 — namely, a League of Imperial
Electors in favour of Felix v. European opinion, so far
as it existed, was decidedly against the Council of Basel,
and in rallying to the support of the anti-Pope the German
princes knew well enough that they could not end the
schism. Yet they might conceivably be able to readjust
the balance in Felix's favour, thus strengthening their
own independence, and at the same time depriving the
Emperor of the prestige which would accrue to him from
the restoration of unity.

Such was the situation in Germany at the opening of
the Diet of Niirnberg, which the Emperor attended in person,
and where ^Eneas figured in an official capacity as one of
the four Commissioners appointed to deal with the ecclesi
astical question. As might be supposed, the Diet only
made plain the conflicting interests of Emperor and Electors.
It was clear that a nation divided against herself could do
little to restore unity to the Church. Frederick's proposals

84 POPE PIUS II

for the summons of a fresh Council were rejected with
contempt, and from henceforth each party acted separately.
The Emperor embarked on independent negotiations with
the rival Popes, which resulted shortly in his making his
peace with Rome. The Electoral League continued to
exercise a spasmodic activity, and the ecclesiastical history
of the next few years turns upon the gradual undermining
of its schemes by the skilful diplomacy of ^Eneas Silvius.
An attempt is sometimes made to invest the action of the
princes with the halo of patriotism, and y?Eneas is repre
sented as the wily ultramontane who frustrated an honest
effort to reform the German Church on national lines.
If there had been any genuine national movement in
Germany the reproach would be well deserved, but the
success of ^Eneas's diplomacy came from his perception
that these combinations of Electors and princes were made
for selfish ends. Patriotic motives served as a pretext,
but the true strength of the Electoral League lay in the
territorial ambitions of its individual members.

At the time of the Diet of Niirnberg, ^Eneas's official
attitude towards the ecclesiastical question was that which
behoved a servant of the Emperor, namely, loyal adherence
to the principle of neutrality. But his opinions had under
gone considerable modification in the course of his sojourn
at the Imperial Court, and he now only awaited the oppor
tunity to declare himself in his true colours. The process
of transformation, which turned a secretary of the anti-
Pope into a Papal agent, may be traced in his corre
spondence during the years 1443 and 1444. In April 1443,
^Eneas so far held to his former opinions as to write a tract
on the supreme authority of General Councils.1 His tone
is tentative throughout, and he confines his arguments to
general grounds, carefully abstaining from any mention of
the Council of Basel, but there is nothing in the tract to
imply a radical change of position. Throughout the year

1 Ericas Silvius to Hartung von Kappel (Wolkan, Ep. 47 ; also in
Kollar).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 85

he remained in close touch with his friends at Basel, writing
to them almost in the capacity of an agent of the Council
at the Imperial Court. He reports, for example, on the
behaviour of the Council's representative, the Patriarch of
Aquileia, and warns d'Allemand that he is not at all equal
to his work.1 He complains to one of his friends that, in
spite of the great services Which he has rendered and is still
rendering to Felix v, he is neglected and forgotten. " I
see your intentions and your thoughts/'he writes; "because
you know that I am loyal and unchanging you turn your
attention to others whose faith is wavering. You provide
for them lest they should go over to the enemy, but no one
considers him who is faithful and will ever remain so. ...
The least you can do is to see that some benefice is given
to me, who have served you so long." 2 This letter was
written in October 1443. In April of the following year
^Eneas gave a sure proof that his boasted loyalty to Basel
was at an end — he tried to sell his an ti- Papal secretary
ship.3 The cause of this sudden change must be sought in
the events of the intervening months, that is, in the
negotiations with regard to the Freisingen bishopric, and
also in the answers which Frederick in received to his pro
posal for the summons of a new Council. These, it would
appear, finally convinced ^Eneas that the weight of
European opinion was on the side of Eugenius iv and that
his cause must ultimately triumph. If this were so, the
summons of a new Council would only increase the con
fusion ; the surest way of ending the schism would be to
work for the surrender of German neutrality and the
return of the Empire to the Roman obedience.

If peace were to be restored to the Church by means of a

1 .Eneas Silvius to Louis d'Allemand, Oct. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 86;
Voigt, Ep. 50).

a yEneas Silvius to a friend in Basel (Wolkan, Ep. 81 ; Voigt, Ep. 51).

3 .Eneas Silvius to Giovanni Peregallo, 18 April 1444 (Wolkan, Ep.
136 ; Opera, Ep. 61, etc.) : " Scriptorie officium, quod illic habeo, si
emptorem reperit, pretium mihi rescribe, ut si fieri potest, utiliter illo
me levem, quia non sum ejus animi, ut ad vos redeam."

86 POPE PIUS II

reconciliation between Pope and Emperor, ^Eneas was ob
viously the right person to act as mediator. The Freisingen
episode had already indicated that his true vocation was to
serve as a connecting link between Germany and Italy,
and the time was now fast approaching when he could use
his advantages upon a larger scale. As early as November
1443, Piero da Noceto (now a secretary in the Roman
Curia and married to a fair Florentine lady who was endowed
with every gift save riches), wrote a pathetic appeal to his
old friend to use his influence for the promotion of peace
between Pope and Emperor. " Believe me, my sweetest
^Eneas," he wrote, "my earnings nowadays are barely
enough to provide the necessities of existence ; you know
the ups and downs of the Curia. But if only the Church
were at peace and the Holy Father had the obedience of
all, I should be able to make a living out of my post." x
At the time ^Eneas could only answer that he was the
servant of a neutral Prince and must write and speak as
his master desired.2 But in May 1444 he is writing to
Cesarini from the point of view of one whose chief obj ect
is to end the neutrality of Germany. " The neutrality
will be difficult to abolish," he declares, " because it is
useful to many. This new device is popular because no
one in possession of an ecclesiastical office, whether right
fully or wrongfully, can be deprived of it, and the Bishops
can bestow benefices at their pleasure. It is not easy to
snatch the prey from the wolf's mouth." 3 It was, indeed,
no easy task upon which ^neas was about to embark.
As well as the opposition of the Electoral League he had to
reckon with the more insidious obstacle of the Emperor's
apathy. The failure of the Diet of Niirnberg, however,
made it possible to try the experiment, and the first step

1 Piero da Noceto to /Eneas Silvius, 18 Nov. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 97 ;
Opera, Ep. 170, etc.).

2 jEneas Silvius to Noceto, 16 Jan. 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 119; Opera,
Ep. 45, etc.).

3 ^Eneas Silvius to Cesarini, 28 May 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 142 ; Opera,
Ep. 65, etc.).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 87

was taken when Frederick in agreed to send a deputation
to Rome with ^Eneas as its principal member. The
ostensible object of the embassy was to win the Pope's
assent to the proposal for a new Council, but its real im
portance lay in the re-establishment of personal relations
between the Emperor and Eugenius iv. Thus the victim
of the " Basel heresy " would obtain his own forgiveness as
the representative of a greater penitent. ^Eneas would
see Italy again, and the mistakes of the past would be
blotted out. " I wish you and my mother to know that I
am in excellent health and in daily expectation of improve
ment in my fortunes," he wrote to Silvio Piccolomini in
November 1444. " I pray you to have good hope, for
if God continues to favour me as He has now begun
to do, I may yet be an honour to you and to our
family." l

Early in the year 1445 2 ^Eneas set out on his mission,
in the highest spirits. The road to Rome led him through
Siena, and he was able to spend a few days with his relations,
whom he had not seen for eleven years. Delighted as the
Piccolomini were to see him again, they were filled with
alarm at the thought of his approaching interview with
Eugenius. Mindful of all that he had spoken and written
at Basel, they besought him to consider the Pope's revenge
ful disposition and to turn back before it was too late. But
^Eneas knew well enough that the services which he could
render to the Pope in his present position were sufficient
to outweigh any temptation to vengeance, and he assured
his friends that they need not fear. At the same time he
could not altogether resist the pleasure of playing the martyr ;
whatever the risk, he told them, he had no choice but to
obey the Emperor.3

His reception in Rome left nothing to be desired. Piero

1 ^Eneas Silvius to his father, 19 Nov. 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 162 ; Voigt,
Ep. 130).

2 He left Rome on his return journey i April 1445 (cf. Wolkan.
Ep. 169).

3 Fea, p. 88.

88 POPE PIUS II

da Noceto, Giovanni Campisio, and a host of other friends
welcomed him with open arms, while two Cardinals were
appointed to absolve him from the ecclesiastical censures in
curred at Basel, as a prelude to his admission into the Pope's
presence. Finally, at the feet of Pope Eugenius, the newly
restored penitent made his apologia. " Holy Father,
before I expound my mission from the Emperor, I will say
a few words about myself. I know that much evil has
come to your ears concerning me, and those who censured
me spoke the truth. I do not deny all that I spoke, wrote,
and did at Basel, although my mind was not set on injuring
you but on the service of the Church. I erred, and no one
can deny it, but my companions in error were many and
famous. I followed Cardinal Cesarini, the Archbishop
of Palermo, and the apostolic notary Lodovico Pontano,
lights of the legal profession and teachers of the truth, not
to mention the Universities and schools in all parts of the
world who pronounced judgment against you. In such
company who would not have erred ? When I discovered
the error of Basel, I confess that I did not flee to you at
once. Fearful of falling from Scylla into Charybdis, I
betook myself to the neutral party, in order not to go from
one extreme to the other without mature deliberation. I
remained with the Emperor for three years, and the dis
putes which I heard between your Legates and those of the
Council convinced me that truth was on your side. There
fore, when the Emperor bade me present myself before
your Holiness, I obeyed willingly, hoping that thus I
might regain your favour. To-day I stand in your
presence, and plead forgiveness because I sinned in
ignorance. And now I will turn to the affairs of the
Emperor." 1

Eugenius received his penitent graciously. " We know
that you erred with many," he replied, " and to those who
confess their faults we cannot refuse pardon. The Church
is a loving mother, who remembers the unacknowledged

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 10.

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 89

sin but forgets that which is freely confessed. Now that
you hold the truth, take care never to let it go, and strive
by good works to merit Divine favour. You live in a land
where you may champion the truth and serve the Church.
We will not remember former injuries, and from henceforth
we will love you well if you walk well." l It is obvious that
^Eneas was thoroughly enjoying himself. The dramatic
character of his interview pleased his artistic instincts,
and his confession was near enough to the truth for him
to believe it absolutely, in the enthusiasm of the moment.
He left the Pope's presence ready to make the most of the
precious days in Rome, and to throw himself into the
pleasant festivities which friends and patrons were preparing
in his honour.

Amid the general cordiality which marked his reception
he met with one rebuff. One day, at the house of Cardinal
Scarampo, he chanced to see his old acquaintance Tom-
maso Parentucelli, once steward of Cardinal Albergata's
household and now Bishop of Bologna. The relations be
tween steward and secretary had probably been strained at
times, but ^Eneas was never inclined to bear malice, and
he advanced with outstretched hands to greet the Bishop.
He, however, promptly walked in another direction, and
would make no response to ^Eneas's advances. Thereupon
our friend's pride was stung, " and he determined not to
humiliate himself again before a man who scorned him.
Whenever he met Tommaso afterwards, he gave him no
salutation, and pretended not to see him, lest he should be
insulted afresh. But his mind was ignorant of the future,"
adds this unblushing opportunist ; " if ^Eneas had known
that he was dealing with a future Pope, he would have
suffered all things." 2

From the point of view of politics, the mission to Rome
achieved its main object. Pope and Emperor were com
pletely reconciled, and within a year of our hero's interview
with Eugenius iv the alliance was cemented in docu-
1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 10. 2 Fea, p. 89.

go POPE PIUS II

mentary form. ^Eneas had not long been back in Germany
when Cardinal Carvajal and Tommaso Parentucelli arrived
at the Imperial Court as Papal envoys. Their labours
throughout the summer bore fruit in the Papal Bulls of
February 1446, in which Eugenius granted to his new ally
considerable rights of ecclesiastical patronage in the Haps-
burg dominions.1 He also agreed to pay him 221,000 ducats,
and promised various other favours in the event of Fred
erick ill's coming to Italy to seek the Imperial Crown.2 Yet
the fact that the Pope had been able to buy the support of
the Emperor did not by any means involve the surrender
of German neutrality. Frederick himself was definitely
committed to the side of Rome, but meanwhile the mem
bers of the Electoral League had roused themselves to a
tardy patriotism, and were working for the summons of
an " assembly of the German Church or a national Council "
to deal with the ecclesiastical question as if it were still
entirely open.3 To make matters worse, the Pope had
practically refused to entertain the proposal for a fresh
Council made to him by ^Eneas on the Emperor's behalf.
This refusal, as ^Eneas himself recognised, undermined
the sole basis on which Emperor and Electors could unite.
" If my mission to Rome had ended differently," he wrote,
shortly after his return, " it would be far easier for every
one to act in unison. As it is, I see a great eagle being torn
in pieces, and I fear that there will be a plentiful fall of
feathers." 4 Four months later he wrote in the same
strain. " The Emperor hates the neutrality and would
willingly renounce it, if the princes would agree. . . . But
the Germans, as you know, are not easily brought to a

1 The Bulls are given in Chmel, Materialen zur osterveichischen
Geschichte, i. Nos. 72-4. Cf. also Voigt, vol. i. p. 347 ; and Creighton,
vol. iii. pp. 72-4.

2 Cf. Gregorius Heimburg to the Archbishop of Gran Prag, 3 July
1466, for this information. The letter is given in Voigt, vol. i. Ap
pendix II.

3 Cf. Creighton, vol. iii. p. 71 ; and Voigt, vol. i. p. 345.

4 yEneas Silvius to Giovanni Campisio, 21 May 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 170 ;
also Voigt, Ep. 138).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 91

conclusion, and once having reached it they are still harder
to move from it." 1

As regards ^Eneas's personal share in the negotiations,
the next important stage was reached in the spring of 1446,
when the Emperor received what was practically the
ultimatum of the Electors on the ecclesiastical question.
In February of this year Eugenius felt himself strong
enough to strike directly at his foes in Germany, and he
issued a Bull of deposition against two of the ecclesiastical
Electors — the Archbishops of Trier and Cologne. The
cry of danger to Electoral privileges stirred the League to
prompt and united action. At a meeting at Frankfort 2
the six Electors professed themselves ready to recognise
Eugenius if he would acknowledge the authority of General
Councils, accept the reforming decrees of Basel, withdraw
all censures against the upholders of German neutrality,
and agree to the summons of a fresh Council to be held
within the confines of the Empire. If he refused their
terms, they would declare for Felix v and endeavour to
end the schism in his favour. The Electors were anxious
to secure the co-operation of the Emperor, and at once
sent an embassy to the Imperial Court to expound their
policy. Yet they made it clear that, if Frederick failed
them, they were prepared to act without him, and the
Emperor was aghast at the thought of the harm which
might be done if Eugenius were taken by surprise and re
turned a fiery answer to these uncompromising proposals.
The Electoral envoys had instructions to proceed straight
to Rome after their interview with Frederick, so that all
the latter could do was to confide the whole matter to
^Eneas, and send him post-haste to Italy to give Eugenius
a word of warning. Parentucelli, the Papal Legate, was
also advised to return to Rome immediately, and these
two somewhat ill-assorted travelling companions set out

1 .^Eneas Silvius to Giovanni Campisio, Sept. 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 185;
also Voigt, Ep. 146).

2 Cf. Voigt, vol. i. p. 359 ; and Creighton, vol. iii. p. 75.

92 POPE PIUS II

together.1 In the mountains of Carinthia they found the
streams swollen by the winter snows, and their road
barred by broken bridges. Some native guides con
ducted them by another route, which added three days
more to their journey, and as the Electoral envoys had the
advantage of a four days' start in the race for Rome,
^Eneas and Parentucelli were in terror lest they should
arrive too late. On reaching Rome they learned to their
joy that their rivals had arrived the night before, and had
not yet been received in audience by the Pope. Primed
by ^Eneas, Parentucelli hastened to the Papal presence,
and so explained the situation that when the time came
for Eugenius to receive the Germans, he replied to their
somewhat bellicose speeches "with few and dignified
words/' 2

The situation was saved for the time being, and ^Eneas
had secured a diplomatic victory. He gave expression to
his triumph in depicting the discomfiture of the Germans,
who were kept waiting in Rome for three weeks, during
the hot summer weather, before they received a final answer
from the Pope. Their principal spokesman was one
Gregorius Heimburg, an able lawyer and a keen patriot,
destined both by character and opinions to be the lifelong
rival of ./Eneas Silvius. " In the evening," writes his malici
ous opponent, " Gregorius might be seen pacing on Monte
Giordano, gesticulating wildly, sweltering with heat, head
and chest bare, his cloak on the ground. He seemed
to have no respect for the Romans or for his office, and did
not hesitate to curse Rome, Eugenius, and the Curia, while
he called down many imprecations on the heat." 3 No
where is the conflict between the two races — Latin and

1 They had made up their quarrel before ^Eneas left Rome (cf. Com-
mentarii, lib. i. p. 10), but their relations were never cordial.

2 .Eneas Silvius, Hist. Frid. Ill (Kollar, p. 123). Cf. also Commentarii,
p. ii ; and Fea, p. 91. Frederick in could not betray the plans of the
Electors to the Papal Legate, but JEneas admits that Parentucelli " guessed
and opined much."

3 Hist. Frid. Ill (Kollar, p. 124).

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 93

Teutonic — more strikingly illustrated than in the en
counters between ^Eneas and this sturdy champion of
German nationality. " Gregorius was handsome, tall
and cheerful in appearance, with bright eyes and a bald
head. But his speech and his gestures lacked restraint,
he deferred to none in his judgment, and was peculiar in
his habits, preferring liberty in all things ; he was un
cultivated and was not ashamed of his ignorance." l The
description is a finished sketch of Heimburg's character,
and it expresses an Italian's contempt for one who was
conspicuously lacking in all that he understood by the
word civiltd. What chances had this blundering individualist
against the quick wits and eminently social qualities of
^neas ?

In the end Gregorius and his companions left Rome
with the promise that Eugenius would send his answer to
the Diet which was about to meet at Frankfort. Mean
while, tineas was received in private audience by the Pope
and treated with marked favour. He then set out with
Parentucelli on the return journey, with hardly more time
to spare than on the way to Rome, if they were to reach
Frankfort for the opening of the Diet on i September.
When the travellers arrived at Parma, after crossing the
Apennines on foot and spending a sleepless night in a
peasant's hut, Parentucelli fell ill with fever, and ^Eneas
was obliged to leave him behind while he hastened on with
the Papal letters. He travelled by way of the Brenner
and contrived to enjoy a day's hunting with Sigismund
of Tyrol before he joined Chancellor Schlick, and entered
Frankfort in his company as the Diet was assembling.2

The Diet of Frankfort is chiefly remarkable for a dis
creditable, although highly successful, episode in ^Eneas's
diplomatic career. At the opening of the proceedings
matters seemed to be at a dead-lock. On the one side was
Eugenius's answer to the Electors, which, as every one

1 Hist. Frid. Ill (Kollar. p. 123).

3 Commentarii, lib. i. pp. 11-2 ; and Fea, p. 94.

94 POPE PIUS II

realised, made no real concessions ; and the chief repre
sentative of the Papacy was the scrupulous and uncom
promising Cardinal Carvajal, who " always promised less
than he intended to perform and wanted more than could
be obtained." x On the other side were the princes,
goaded to exasperation by Heimburg's account of his
experiences in Rome, and ready to declare for Felix v
at the first opportunity. Out of these irreconcilable
elements the ingenuity of ^Eneas contrived to fashion a
compromise. The Diet, which began so badiy, sealed the
fate of German neutrality, and secured the final victory
of Rome. ^Eneas's first move was to break up the Electoral
League, by the simple expedient of bribing the Archbishop
of Mainz to accept the Pope's answer as the basis of a
peaceful settlement. " At length," he writes, " it was
necessary to have recourse to gold, to which ears are seldom
deaf. Gold is the master of Courts, it rules all things, and
it conquered the Archbishop." 2 The traditional friend
ship between the houses of Hohenzollern and Hapsburg
made it comparatively easy to secure the Elector of Branden
burg, and with two Electors won over, it was only necessary
to provide them with some excuse for their change of front.
Taking the ultimatum of the Electors, ^Eneas sat up all
one night and " squeezed out the poison which Eugenius
abhorred, so extending the meaning that provision was
made for the needs of the nation and for the restoration of
the Archbishops." 3 The true cleverness of this " noble
deed," as its author calls it, lay in the way in which ^Eneas
contrived to use his double role of Imperial secretary and
Papal agent to give authority to his handiwork. The
Papal Legates regarded him as the spokesman of the
Empire, offering terms which Eugenius would be free to
modify, while the Electors gained the impression that the
new edition of their ultimatum rested upon the authority

1 Fea, p. 99. Cf. also Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 128.

2 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 127.

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 12. Cf. also Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 128.

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 95

of the Pope. Great was the surprise and anger of the
envoys from Basel on learning that the compromise was
accepted by all parties in the Diet, and that if Eugenius
sanctioned the new terms, he would receive the obedience
of Germany. " Why should this Sienese fellow come from
Tuscany to give laws to the Germans ? " asked John of
Lysura. "It is better to have good laws from strangers
than bad laws from natives," was ^Eneas's prompt
reply.1

All that remained to be done was to submit the con
clusions of the Diet of Frankfort to the Pope, and in
November 1446 ^Eneas started for Rome, for the third time
within two years. He was now no longer the secret agent,
but the Imperial representative, first among the crowd of
envoys from Electors and princes sent to Rome on this
momentous occasion. The whole embassy numbered some
sixty horsemen, and they entered Rome in state, escorted
by the officials of the Curia, who had come out to meet
them.2 On 12 January 1447, Eugenius received the Ger
mans in a secret Consistory, and ^Eneas expounded to him
the Frankfort articles. From a letter of the Abbot of San
Galgano to the Republic of Siena we learn that " Messer
Enea Piccolomini, poet and orator," won much praise for
the able and eloquent manner in which he brought forward
proposals which were " in themselves hateful and displeas
ing." 3 In spite of ^Eneas's manipulation, the terms of
reconciliation were by no means acceptable to the Papacy.
Carvajal, Parentucelli, and others who knew something of
the situation in Germany, did their utmost in the cause
of peace, but extremists such as Torquemada were opposed
to any concession, and the question was hotly debated in
Rome. The Abbot of San Galgano probably expresses the
general opinion when he writes : " They (the Germans)

1 Fea, p. 103. Cf. Commentarii, lib. i. p. 12, where .Eneas states that
he made no reply for fear of increasing Lysura's anger.

2Cf. .Eneas Silvius to Frederick in (Muratori, Rer. Ital Script.,
vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 878-98).

3 Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. i. p. 403.

96 POPE PIUS II

demand in brief four things, each more exorbitant than
the others, and hateful both to the Holy Father and to the
Cardinals. Nevertheless, owing to the evil times, it will
be necessary to concede them in substance, in order to
avoid the greater dangers and scandals which would arise
if they were refused." l

This same spirit of grudging acquiescence inspires the
Bulls which finally issued from the Papal Chancery.2 The
Electors demanded the summons of a fresh Council at a
fixed date and place ; the Pope replied by a personal promise
that a Council should be held in Germany if princes and
people agreed. The recognition of the authority of General
Councils was couched in the vaguest terms, no mention
being made of the Council of Basel. Instead of annulling
the censures against German ecclesiastics, the Pope agreed
to restore the Archbishops of Trier and Cologne to their
sees. Instead of accepting the reforming decrees of Basel,
he promised to send a Legate to frame a Concordat with
the German Church. Thus, on each of the four main points
at issue, the result of the year's negotiations was the same.
Rome had conceded just enough to make the restoration of
obedience possible without loss of dignity to Germany, but
the real advantage in every case lay on the side of the Pope.

In the midst of the negotiations Eugenius iv had fallen
seriously ill, and the ceremony of the restoration of German
obedience was made at the bedside of a dying Pope. On
7 February the Germans assembled in the Pope's presence,
and .-Eneas spoke the following words in the name of the
whole company : "As your Holiness has vouchsafed to
accede to our requests, we proffer you obedience. By
virtue of the authority committed to us, we lay aside the
neutrality, and recognise you as Roman, Catholic, and

1 Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. i. p. 403.

2 Rayualdus, Annales Ecclesiastici, 1447, Nos. 5-7. No. 7 is a secret
protest from Eugenius iv to the effect that sickness prevented him from
giving due consideration to these concessions, and that, in making them,
he had no intention of derogating from the authority and privileges of
the Papacy.

THE IMPERIAL CHANCERY 97

undoubted Pope." l " Ye have done well," Eugenius
answered in a weak voice, and handing the Bulls to ^Eneas,
he dismissed the embassy with his blessing. The successful
issue of the negotiations was at once proclaimed in a public
Consistory, and " great thanks were rendered to God who
had reunited the Church when it was weak and divided,
and had brought the bark of S. Peter into a quiet haven,
when it seemed about to succumb to the violence of the
storm." 2

So far as it can be ascribed to any one man, this re
markable political achievement was the work of ^Eneas.
But for him the negotiations must have broken down
at every point. But for him the gulf which separated
Germany and Rome could hardly have been bridged.
Much can be said in criticism of his methods, although it
must be remembered that ^Eneas himself provides the
material for such criticism, and probably there are few
diplomatists who would care to record their share in the
manipulation of a crisis with quite the same frankness.
As regards the issue of his labours, it was the best, if not the
only solution possible. So long as Germany remained,
not a nation, but an aggregate of separatist interests, she
could not be a centre of unity either in Church or State.
Politically she must be held together by the faltering hand
of the Emperor ; ecclesiastically she could only unite under
the stepmotherly guardianship of the Pope.

1 Fea, p. 104. 2 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 132.

CHAPTER V
THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III

THE years which ^Eneas spent in manipulating
the threads of European diplomacy were no less
important for the change which they wrought in
his private life. When he first came to Germany his
morals and habits were of the lowest order. To this period
belong such unedif ying productions as the famous letter to
his father, telling him of the existence of an illegitimate
son, born of an Englishwoman named Elizabeth whom he
had met at Strassburg in the spring of 1442, and whose
knowledge of Italian had given him the rare delight of
hearing himself greeted in the Tuscan tongue. "It is a
great pleasure to me that my seed should bear fruit,"
writes the shameless culprit, " and that something of me
should survive when I die. I thank God that a little
^Eneas will play round you and my mother, and be a com
fort to his grandparents in his father's stead." * When the
Emperor's young ward, Sigismund of Tyrol, wanted an
elegant love-letter to send to his mistress, he applied
to ^Eneas as to a recognised authority on such matters.
" Some perhaps would have denied your request," replied
the man of nearly forty to the boy of sixteen, " but I am
prepared to grant it. He who does not love in youth does
so in old age, when he makes himself ridiculous, and becomes

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Silvio Piccolomini, 20 Sept. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 78 ;
Opera, Ep. 15, and elsewhere). Another illegitimate child was born to
y£neas in Scotland, but both children appear to have died in infancy.
Cf. .ZEneas Silvius to Silvio Piccolomini, 19 Nov. 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 162 ;
Voigt, Ep. 130).

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 99

a subject of gossip among the vulgar." l The following
year saw the production of ^Eneas's novel Eurialus ct
Lucretia — a love-story of a coarse and passionate type, for
which Pius n felt himself bound to apologise in later life.2
His letters to his intimates at this time are by no means
pleasant reading. They abound in allusions to Venus and
Bacchus, the twin deities of the loose-liver, and on every
page there is some coarse jest or vulgar innuendo. In
short, £i)neas at this period stood for all that was worst
in humanism. He was frivolous, profligate, pagan, and
apparently without vestige of shame or reticence. Never
theless, in one respect he rose above the standard of his
associates. In an age when clerical immorality was rife,
he steadily refused to be ordained until he had forsaken
his dissolute habits. " As yet I have avoided taking holy
orders," he wrote to Piero da Noceto in 1444, " for I fear
chastity ; although a praiseworthy virtue, it is easier in
word than in deed, and it becomes philosophers rather than
poets." 3 So ,Eneas remained a layman, until his hot blood
had cooled and the wiles of Venus had ceased to charm him.
Ere long, as public life grew more absorbing, his letters
assume a new tone. There was a refined and serious side
to his complex personality which must always have despised
his vices, and now, under the beneficent influence of success,
his better nature triumphed. One of the earliest signs of
a less frivolous attitude towards life is a letter to a Bohemian
friend making inquiries about the purchase of a Bible.
He had heard that Bibles were to be had comparatively
cheaply in Prag, and he was anxious to buy a copy contain
ing both Testaments in one volume. " I am getting old,"
he wrote, " and worldly learning no longer becomes or
delights me. I wish to steep myself in the Gospels and to
drink that water of which he that drinketh shall never

Silvius to Duke Sigismund, 13 Dec. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 104 ;
Opera, Ep. 122, etc.).

2 Wolkan, Ep. 152 (3 July 1444), for Eurialus et Lucretia ; Opera,
Ep. 395, for Pius n's apology.

3 1 8 Feb. 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 125 ; Opera, Ep. 50, etc.).

ioo POPE PIUS II

taste death. ... I care little for the pleasures of this
world, and I only desire to serve God. Yet as I am a lover
of letters, I do not know how I can please God better
than in literary work ; and as the Bible contains the first
principles of sacred learning I wish to possess a copy." 1
In March 1446 the decisive step was taken, and ^Eneas was
ordained deacon in Vienna. f< He must be a miserable and
graceless man who does not in the end return to his better
self, enter into his own heart and amend his life, who does
not consider the world to come. Alas ! I have done evil
enough, nay more than enough. But I have come to my
self. Oh, that it may not be too late ! " 2 So wrote our
hero to a German friend in telling him of his ordination.
It cannot be said that any radical change took place in his
nature, — ££neas remained ^Eneas to the last, even under
the Papal vestments of Pius, — but from that time forward
his outward life was transformed. He ceased to make
use of his title of " poet," and began to interest himself
mainly in philosophical and historical studies. As far as
morals were concerned he lived a blameless life, no word
was ever breathed;against|his character.

Some doubt exists as to the actual date of ^Eneas's
ordination as priest,3 but he was certainly in full orders
when he tendered the obedience of Germany to Eugenius iv
in February 1447. Now that the negotiations were satis
factorily concluded he could look for some substantial
reward for his services, and there were powerful friends
who were ready to recommend him for the next vacant
bishopric. For the moment, however, all thoughts were
concentrated upon the death-bed of Eugenius iv. The old
Pope was growing rapidly worse, and it seemed as if each
day must be his last. Rome was in a state of suspense.
The merchants were taking their more valuable goods out

1 ^Eneas Silvius to Johann Tuschek, 31 Oct. 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 159 ;
Voigt, Ep. 127).

2 yEneas Silvius to Johann Vrunt, 8 March 1446 (Opera, Ep. 92).

3 Voigt (vol. i. p. 367) says that he was ordained in Rome in July
1446, Cf., however, Wolkan, i. p. xxv.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 101

of the city, the streets were infested by robbers, and, out
side the walls, the presence of Alfonso of Naples with a
strong force threatened the freedom of the approaching
Conclave. Meanwhile the intrepid Pope, who had fought
so long and so stubbornly with his many foes, was making
a gallant fight with death. When the Archbishop of
Florence wished to administer extreme unction, Eugenius
bade him stay his hand. ' You think that I do not know
my time/' he said, " but I am still strong ; when the hour
is come I will send for you." l But the enemy could not be
kept at bay, and on 23 February the end came. In a letter
to Frederick in, ^Eneas tells the story of Eugenius's last
hours, and gives his final verdict upon the man whom he
had judged from very different standpoints in the course of
the last sixteen years. Eugenius iv, he says in conclusion,
summoned a General Council and also dissolved it. He
was deposed by the Council of Basel and " himself deposed
the deposers." He lost the obedience of Germany and
then recovered it. He was a prisoner in Rome, was forced
to fly from the city, and eventually returned thither in
triumph. " It would be hard to find a Pope who has ex
perienced as much adversity and, at the same time, ac
much prosperity. . . . His worst faults were that he
had no moderation, and that in all his endeavours he
thought only of what he desired, and not of what he could
accomplish." 2

^Eneas remained in Rome for the funeral of Eugenius iv,
and for the election and coronation of his successor. He
and other members of the German embassy were made
doorkeepers of the Conclave, an office which must have
reminded ^Eneas of his share in the election of the anti-
Pope seven years before. The same spirit — critical, half-
mocking, and wholly detached — in which he described the
proceedings at Basel inspires his account of the Roman

1 JEne&s Silvius to the Emperor Frederick in (Muratori, Rer. Ital.
Script., vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 878-98).

Silvius to Frederick in (Muratori, iii. pt. 2, p. 890).

102 POPE PIUS II

Conclave. " Amid these events," he observes, " there
were two ceremonies which provoked laughter." The first
was the daily procession of boxes containing food for the
Cardinals immured within the convent of S. Maria sopra
Minerva. Each Cardinal had his separate box, and this
was followed by the members of his household and other
dependents, so trained to the habit of adulation that, in the
absence of the Cardinal himself, they actually did reverence
to the box which held his dinner. The other piece of ritual
which called forth our hero's scorn took place round the
funeral pyre of Eugenius, where, in mid- winter, " four
clad in mournful garments fanned away the flies that
did not exist, and made breezes for the Pope who
was not present." Our practically-minded friend con
demned one rite as superstitious and the other as childish.
"But," he adds, "some allowance must be made for
custom." 1

Popular opinion had fixed upon the rich and powerful
Prospero Colonna as the next Pope, but, as ^Eneas remarked,
quoting a well-known Roman proverb, " He who enters
the Conclave a Pope comes out a Cardinal." 2 After some
abortive scrutinies, the necessary majority of two-thirds
was obtained by Tommaso Parentucelli, Bishop of Bologna.
Nicholas v, as the new Pope called himself, in remembrance
of his patron Niccolo Albergata, had little save learning to
commend him for his high office. He sprang from an
obscure family at Sarzana, and could not even produce
a coat-of-arms to quarter with the crossed keys of the
Papacy. His election was, in fact, a triumph of humanism.
Hard work and a good education had enabled him to com
pete successfully with rank and wealth, just because the
age had recognised that in politics, as in every other sphere,
knowledge implied power. ^Eneas must have viewed the
election of his colleague with mixed feelings. On the one
hand, it could not fail to act as a spur to his own ambition.

1 Muratori, iii. pt. 2, p. 892.

2 Ibid., p. 893 : " Exire Cardinalem qui Pontifex intrat Conclave."

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 103

A prize which could be won by Tommaso Parentucelli
must also be within the reach of /Eneas Silvius Piccolomini.
Yet, on the other hand, he knew that Nicholas v did
not approve of him and that he could not hope to be
among his favourites. As a matter of fact, /Eneas was
among the first to receive preferment from the new Pope.
Whatever were his personal feelings, Nicholas recognised
that /Eneas had rendered valuable services to the Papacy,
and he did not intend him to go unrewarded. One of the
earliest acts of his pontificate was to confirm Eugenius iv's
agreeme.it with Germany, and when the Bishop of Trieste
died, shortly afterwards, Pope and Emperor sealed their
alliance by both nominating /Eneas to the vacant see. Our
hero was never entirely happy as a courtier, and for some
time past he had longed for a means of escape from his wear
ing, precarious existence. " I am already in the afternoon
of life," he wrote in 1443, " and I shall not always be able
to run hither and thither. The time will come when I must
rest. Would that I had a place where I could rest honour
ably ! " l At last he had obtained what he desired.- His
diocese provided him with a sure haven where he could
"serve God and live his own life," far from the storms of
cDurts and politics.

The three years which followed /Eneas' s appointment
to Trieste were of the nature of an interlude, not without
incident or interest, but standing apart from the main
current of his career. This was chiefly owing to the disgrace
of his patron, Chancellor Schlick, which brought all members
of the official party at Vienna under a cloud, and left the
rival faction, headed by the Emperor's favourites among
the Styrian nobility, in possession of the field. Under
these circumstances /Eneas was glad to escape from the
Court, where his star was no longer in the ascendant, and
to bury himself in his diocese, dividing his time between
study and episcopal duties. Thus his share in the final

1 ;£neas Silvius to Kaspar Schlick, 28 Dec. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 108 ;
Opera, Ep. 54, etc.).

104 POPE PIUS II

stages of the ecclesiastical settlement was small in com
parison with his former activity. In his retreat at Trieste
he heard of the signing of the Concordat of Vienna (Febru
ary 1448), embodying the terms of alliance between the
Papacy and the German Church, and of the extinction
of the wan ghost which had once been the Council cf Basel.
At first Felix v was inclined to be obstinate, and spoke of
" a certain Tommaso Calandrini of Sarzana, whom some
call Nicholas v";1 but ere long Nicholas's conciliatory
policy triumphed, and in April 1449 Felix resigned his
claims to the Papacy, receiving in exchange a Cardinal's
hat. Meanwhile the little company of Fathers went
through the forms of electing Nicholas v and of decreeing
the dissolution of the Council. John of Segovia retired to
a Spanish bishopric and devoted himself to Oriental studies.
Louis d'Allemand spent the brief remainder of his life in
his diocese of Aries, immersed in good works and venerated
for his holiness. " So, by means of the Emperor Frederick,
and by the wisdom of Nicholas, the disease of the schism
was brought to an end." 2

Schlick's fall placed ^Eneas in a difficult position at the
Imperial Court, but it did not deprive him of the Emperor's
confidence. Frederick valued his Sienese secretary for
his own sake, especially as an instrument for dealing with
Italian affairs, and the monotony of life at Trieste was
broken by various diplomatic missions,3 of which the most
important are ^Eneas's two visits to Milan in 1447 and
1449. In August 1447, Filippo Maria Visconti died without
male heirs, and ^Eneas was sent to claim Milan as a lapsed
fief of the Empire. He thus became an actor in the com
plicated drama which ended in the failure of Milan's last
attempt at self-government, and the triumph of the house
of Sforza.4 When he arrived in Milan a Republic had

1 Mansi, Concilia, xxxi. 188 (Bull of Felix v to Charles vu of
France).

2 Fea, p. 114. 3 Cf. Commentarii, lib. i. p. 14.

4 Cf . Commentarii, lib. i. pp. 14-6; also Fea, pp. 110-3; and Hist.
Frid. Ill pp. 139-63.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 105

already been established, but the citizens, knowing how
sorely they needed protection, were ready to recognise the
suzerainty of the Emperor, if this could be done without
sacrifice of their new-born autonomy. With characteristic
perspicacity, ^Eneas at once grasped the situation, and he
was anxious to accept the obedience of the Republic, which
would give the Emperor at least a foothold in Milan, and
would leave the way open for a further assertion of his
authority in the future. But the other members of the
embassy would be content with nothing short of full pos
session, and " by wanting too much they lost all." The
Imperial envoys departed without having come to terms,
and the infant Republic was left to carry on an unequal
struggle against the arms of Venice, internal dissension, and
the ambitions of her great condottiere, Francesco Sforza.
When ^Eneas returned to Milan, two years later, the struggle
was well-nigh ended. Francesco Sforza was besieging the
city, and all the country round lay in the grip of his armies.
He who was about to become Duke of Milan wished to
avoid the risk of the prey being torn from his grasp by pre
venting the Imperial envoys from entering the city. Thus
all roads to Milan were guarded, and it was only by means
of night-journeys on unfrequented ways that ^neas and
his companions contrived to reach their destination. Within
Milan all was confusion. The Republic had entered upon
its death-agony, and its leaders were ready to promise
anything that might bring relief from the siege and aid
against Sforza. Thus ^Eneas was charged with highly
favourable terms to submit to the Emperor, but the dis
affection was such that the magistrates did not dare permit
him to address the citizens in a public assembly. Before
he left Milan he received a nocturnal visit from one of the
chief officers of the Republic,1 who offered to secure the sub
mission of the city to Frederick in without further negotia
tion, by the simple expedient of creating a popular rising

1 Carlo Gonzaga, the Captain of the People, who not long afterwards
deserted to Sforza.

106 POPE PIUS II

in his favour. " This plan, although likely to succeed,
seemed hazardous to ^neas ; granted that it would be a
great and memorable exploit, he saw that it could not be
accomplished without danger, and that it by no means
became his priestly office." 1 Somewhat reluctantly, it
may be, he chose the path of prudence, and declined to
entertain the proposal. He then went with letters of safe-
conduct to Sf orza's camp, in order to ascertain the victorious
captain's attitude towards the Empire in the event of his
becoming master of Milan. Soldier-like, Francesco Sforza
was chiefly interested in hearing how the Imperial envoys
had contrived to penetrate through his lines and enter
Milan. ^Eneas, however, was deeply impressed by his
force and ability, and the acquaintance which began be
tween the ambassador and the soldier of fortune in the
camp outside Milan, ripened into a firm friendship between
Pope and Duke. When in February 1450 Milan opened
her gates to Sforza, ^Eneas hailed his triumph as a well-
earned success. " I deem him a true Duke," he writes,
" who, as the leader of an army, has waged many successful
wars, rather than him who is born of a ducal father and
who leads a life of ease and luxury." 2

Jineas's pastoral experience before he became a Bishop
was not extensive, but he had been in possession of at
least two benefices, and he has left evidence of some slight
effort to play his part by the people committed to his
charge. In 1443 the Emperor presented him with a cure in
the Sarantana valley, near Botzen, and his clever sketch
of the remote Tyrolese parish is clearly based on personal
knowledge.3 There was only one way of approach to the
valley, he tells us, and that was steep and difficult. For
three-parts of the year the place was snow-bound, and the
inhabitants were confined to their houses, where they em
ployed themselves in carving boxes and other articles to

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 16. 2 Fea, p. 113.

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 9. Cf. also ;£neas to Kaspar Schlick, 28 Dec.
1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 108 ; Opera, Ep. 54, etc.).

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 107

sell at Botzen or Trent. If anybody living at a distance
from the church died during the winter, the corpse was
placed out in the snow and so preserved until the spring,
when the priest went round the parish collecting the dead
and performing the funeral rites. Games of chess and dice
were the principal forms of recreation, and at these the
peasants showed remarkable skill : their flocks were their
chief source of wealth, and also of food and drink ; many
had never tasted wine. No fear of war ever troubled them,
no thirst for riches or honours disturbed their peace. They
would have been the happiest of mortals, thought their
some-time pastor, had they but realised their good fortune
and bridled their passions.

About a year later, ^Eneas was presented to the living of
Aspach in Bavaria by the Bishop of Passau. He com
posed a sermon to mark his appointment in which he in
structed his parishioners in their duties (laying especial
stress on that of paying tithe promptly), and spoke of the
responsibility which rested upon him for the welfare of their
souls. " I will strive not only to make you better, but
myself also," he concludes, " so that we may enter eternal
life together. ' ' l However far he might fall short in practice,
^Eneas could always be relied upon to say the right thing
suitably and attractively. It is characteristic of the
irregularities of the day that he should have held both
these livings as a layman. In the case of Aspach, however,
objections were raised to his tenure, a fact which is partly
responsible for his decision to take orders in 1446.2

Of his sojourn at Trieste he has left little but the bare
record, yet it is not hard to picture his life in the pleasant
seaport, like himself subject to the Emperor, but in all
else Italian. There is no reason to suppose that he was
greatly interested in his episcopal duties, but it was part
of his nature to take pleasure in performing becomingly

1 Mansi, Pii II Omtiones, vol. i. p. 54.

2 Cf . ^Eneas to Campisio, 21 May 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 170; Voigt,
Ep. 138).

io8 POPE PIUS II

and well whatever tasks fell to his lot, and he doubtless
acquitted himself creditably in his new position. For the
rest, he found unfailing solace in his literary work. Isolated
as he was from cultivated society, he kept in touch with
the world of learning by means of his correspondence,
and in 1447 he turned his attention to collecting and
editing his letters. The manuscript, with his own correc
tions in the margin, is preserved in Rome,1 and forms one
of the principal sources of subsequent collections. He was
acquainted with the leading scholars of the day, and
occasional letters passed between them ; but his two faithful
friends, Giovanni Campisio and Piero da Noceto, wrote to
him constantly, and his correspondence with them formed
a connecting link with Italy throughout the years of his
exile. In the autumn of 1443 he was seized with a desire
to obtain Leonardo Aretino's translation of the Politics
of Aristotle, and a lengthy correspondence on the subject
ensued between himself and Campisio. " I am glad that
you have found the books of the Politics in Aretino's
translation," wrote ^Eneas ; " I have decided to buy them,
and if they are not to be had for a smaller price than you
name, I will send the money." 2 Campisio replies that
his friend is showing himself " less liberal than I could
wish," in thus haggling over the price ; if he possessed the
book he would send it to ^Eneas as a gift, but he will do
his utmost to make a good bargain, " so that you will have
no cause to judge me an imprudent buyer." 3 Later on
he reports that the book is not to be bought, but that he
is having a copy made, and the scribe is already half-way
through his task. In the same letter he records the death
of the translator, the learned Aretino.4 " I rejoice that
Poggio holds his place in Florence," replies ^Eneas, " but

1 " Chigi Collection," Codex J, vi. 208. Cf. Wolkan, Die Briefe, etc.

2 14 Oct. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 85 ; Opera, Ep. 21, etc.).

3 13 Nov. 1443 (Wolkan, Ep. 95 ; Opera, Ep. 169, etc.).

4 8 April 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 134; Opera, Ep. 172, etc.). Leonardo
Bruni (Aretino)- died on 9 March 1444, and was succeeded by Poggio as
Chancellor of Florence.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 109

I should be better pleased if that place were not vacant,
and Etruria had not lost so great an ornament." l At last,
in December 1445, ^Eneas acknowledges the safe receipt
of the coveted volume, but even then he is disappointed
to find that one out of the eight books of Leonardo's
translation is missing.2 His efforts to procure a copy of the
Bible from Prag were more successful, and he wrote a
warm letter of thanks to the friend who had procured it
for him. " The volume is easy to hold, and the price is
less than might be expected for so lengthy a manuscript.
You have acted as a true friend and treated my business
as if it were your own." 3

It is significant that the few congenial spirits whom
^Eneas found north of the Alps were, almost all, of Slavonic
and not of German origin. The friend who undertook the
purchase of the Bible was a certain Johannes Tuschek,
secretary to the city of Prag, and an early admirer of our
hero's literary talents. He wrote to inform ^Eneas of the
reputation which the latter possessed in Bohemia, and
begged that he might be allowed to see any of his writings.4
Two other Bohemians, Prokop von Rabstein and Wenzel
von Bochow, were among ^neas's intimates in the Imperial
Chancery, and in 1444 the latter set himself to collect and
copy the letters of his gifted colleague.5 Among his more
exalted literary acquaintances were the Hungarian Arch
bishop, Dionys Szech, and the cultured Pole, Zbigniew,
Bishop of Cracow. Both these men valued ^Eneas as a
humanist and reverenced the talents which Germany, as a
whole, failed to appreciate. Perhaps it was the sympathy
which he met with among the non-Teutonic peoples that
made him take peculiar interest in the hope of Hungary and
Bohemia, young Ladislas Postumus, the grandson of the

1 25 June 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 150; Opera, Ep. 51, etc.).

2 i Dec. 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 198 ; Opera, Ep. 82, etc.).

3 ^Eneas to Tuschek, 20 Nov. 1445 (Wolkan, Ep. 194 ; Opera, Ep. 85).

4 Cf. ^Eneas to Tuschek, I May 1444, replying to the request (Wolkan,
Ep. 138 ; Opera, Ep. 70).

6 Loc. cit. ; and Wolkan's note, p. 317.

no POPE PIUS II

Emperor Sigismund. As the son of Albert of Hapsburg,
Ladislas was also the heir of Austria, and he was brought
up at the Imperial Court under the guardianship of his
cousin, Frederick in. In 1443, ^Eneas wrote a description
of Ladislas' s life and surroundings to Archbishop Dionys,
being certain that " your reverence desires nothing on earth
as much as the boy's welfare." 1 Ladislas was, then, not
quite four years old, and the whole Court had fallen victim
to his charm and beauty. The sight of the high-spirited
child, riding gaily about the palace on his wooden horse,
would be enough, thought ^Eneas, to melt the heart of
the fiercest among his rebel subjects. Like all true
humanists, ^Eneas was interested in education, and in 1450,
during his retirement at Trieste, he composed his treatise
De Liberorum Educatione, unfolding a scheme for the up
bringing of the ten-year-old Ladislas, after the approved
methods of humanist educators.2

In 1448 the signing of the Concordat of Vienna marked
the conclusion of a long struggle, and gave ^Eneas an oppor
tunity for reviewing the Conciliar movement as a whole.
The result was his History, De Rebus Basiliae Gestis Com-
mentarius? our hero's last word upon the much discussed
theme of the Council of Basel. Apart from these two
works, the years at Trieste represented an interlude in his
literary no less than in his active career. The cycle of his
political tracts was completed by the publication, in 1446,
of De ortu et autoritate Romani Imperil? a work which
is as unreservedly " Papal " and orthodox as the Basel
Dialogues were " conciliar " and revolutionary. His great
historical writings, such as the History of Frederick III
and the History of Bohemia, were not yet begun. It seems,
indeed, as if ^Eneas did not find quiet and retirement as

1 JEneas to Dionys Szech, Archbishop of Gran, 16 Sept. 1443 (Wolkan,
Ep. 76 ; Opera, Ep. 13, etc.).

2 Opera, pp. 965-91. Cf. also Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and
other Humanist Educators, containing an English translation of De
Liberorum Educatione.

3 Fea, pp. 31-115. 4 Goldast, Monarchiae, pt. 2, p. 1558.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III in

attractive as he had once pictured them. Inaction tried
his spirited energies, and very soon he became discontented
and restless. The death of Chancellor Schlick, in July 1449,
was a severe shock to him. He regarded his former master
with gratitude and affection, and the news of his death com
bined with the circumstances of his own life at Trieste to
deepen his depression. " I am not yet fifty, and already I
have mo re friends among the dead than among the living,"
he writes to Cardinal Carvajal.1 His thoughts run upon the
brevity of life, its evils and its uncertainties, until they
take shape in a vision of the other world, in which he meets
and talks with those whom he has known in former days.

He is walking, it seems to him, in a dense beech-wood,
and he sees a company of distinguished-looking people
sitting together and conversing gravely. Presently a form
detaches itself from the group. It is Kaspar Schlick, who
says, in reply to ^Eneas's questions, that he has come to a
place where departed spirits make expiation for their sins
upon earth. The figure nearest to him is that of Eugenius iv ;
hard by is his predecessor, Martin v. Schlick's former
masters, the Emperors Sigismund and Albert, are both
there, as are also Filippo Maria Visconti, the Cardinal of
Taranto, and a host of others who had played a prominent
part in ^Eneas's world. Every day, Schlick told him,
added to their number, owing to the reckless ambition of
princes and republics, who did not hesitate to plunge whole
nations into war for the sake of increasing their territories.
Faith and justice had returned to heaven, fraud and un
righteousness reigned supreme on earth ; few praised virtue
and none practised it : there were sins enough to be purged
at the approaching Jubilee, yet how many of the pilgrims
who flocked to Rome would go with a more serious purpose
than that of seeing the sights ? Here ^Eneas cut short
the Chancellor's moralisings in order to know whether he
would find Cardinal Cesarini among the assembled com
pany. " He is not with us," was the reply; " from the

1 13 Nov. 1449 (Voigt, Ep. 184, pp. 394-7).

ii2 POPE PIUS II

Hungarian battle-field he took the direct path to heaven,
where he now tastes the joys prepared for those who witness
for Christ with their life-blood/' Then the vision faded
and ^Eneas was left alone and sad, " desirous of knowing
many things," and yet convinced of the essential truth of
what had been revealed to him. On this occasion, he
assures Carvajal, the gate of his dream was made of horn,
and not of ivory.

In the year of Jubilee, ^Eneas was recalled to the Im
perial Court, where important work awaited him. The
Emperor wished to wed Leonora of Portugal, the niece of
Alfonso, King of Naples, and, at the same time, he had
determined to follow the custom of his predecessors and
to seek coronation at the hands of the Pope. With these
plans in view, he turned to the Bishop of Trieste as to his
natural link with Italy, and upon ^Eneas devolved the
entire organisation of the last Imperial coronation which
took place in Rome. He was sent to Italy as a forerunner,
to negotiate with the King of Naples, and to prepare the
way in Rome for the Emperor's coming ; throughout the
course of Frederick's expedition he acted as mediator
between the Emperor and the Italians. The whole epi
sode, indeed, stands out upon the pages of history as a
gorgeous and somewhat antiquated pageant of which
^Eneas was the highly efficient stage-manager.

^Eneas crossed the Alps on his preliminary mission
before the close of 1450, and on his way South he stayed
with his cousin Jacopo Tolomei, who was a judge at Ferrara.
Tolomei had some startling news to impart : his wife had
just written from Siena to say that the Bishop was dead
and that ^Eneas was appointed as his successor.1 Our hero
hurried on to Siena, in a state of joyful anticipation, to find
that the news was true, and that he was about to become
Bishop of his own city. His advent was hailed with en
thusiasm, and but for his prudent resolve to await the
receipt of the Papal letters, he would have been given

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 17.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 113

immediate possession of the temporalities of the see. On
his return from Rome, in January 1451, the necessary for
malities were completed, and ^Eneas entered Siena in
state, beneath a gilded baldacchino, to be enthroned in the
familiar Duomo amid the plaudits of his fellow-citizens.
Those of his admiring relations who had once complained
that a promising lawyer was wasting his time over new
fangled studies, were now obliged to acknowledge that he
had chosen his profession well. In the company of " the
poets and orators " ^Eneas had gone further than he could
ever have hoped to go if he had clung to the beaten
paths of Jurisprudence.

Meanwhile his conduct of the Emperor's business had
been attended with success, both in Naples and Rome.
Leonora was willing to reject all other suitors for the
sake of being called Empress, and it was arranged that she
should come to Italy in time to take part in her bride
groom's coronation. " The title of Emperor," ^Eneas
sarcastically observes, " is held in greater esteem abroad
than at home." 1 In October 1451 he was back again in
Italy in order to meet Leonora when she landed. His
reception in Siena contrasted strangely with the enthusiastic
welcome accorded to him earlier in the year. Then " no
one could honour and praise ^Eneas enough ; now he entered
the city unwelcomed, no procession came out to meet him,
few people visited him at his palace, and he heard that
many spoke ill of him in the public places. But he bore
it all calmly, and laughed to himself at the fickleness of
fortune." 2 The prospect of the Emperor's visit had, in
fact, reduced all Italy to a state of nervous trepidation.
Nicholas v wrote panic-stricken letters begging ^Eneas to
come to Rome at once, and urging the postponement of
the coronation. Siena feared that .^Eneas would use his
influence with the Emperor to overthrow her constitution
and restore the nobility to power. The citizens eyed his
smallest action with suspicion, and when he allowed a

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 169. 2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 18.

H4 POPE PIUS II

German colleague, Michael von Pfullendorf, to be buried in
the Duomo, it was treated as an unwarrantable usurpation
of civic privileges. At last the situation in Siena grew so
unpleasant that ^Eneas betook himself to Talamone, where
Leonora was expected to land. For sixty weary days
he waited at the dull seaport, whiling away the time,
indefatigable sight-seer that he was, in visiting the places
of interest in the neighbourhood. He saw the rocky pro
montory of Monte Argentario, and the deserted Etruscan
town of Ansedonia, while the massive fortifications of the
ancient Portus Herculis filled him with amazement.1 The
news that Leonora had landed at Leghorn cut short his
expeditions, and he hurried northward to meet the bride
at Pisa, where she was committed to his charge with all
due formality by the Portuguese ambassador.2 Meanwhile
the Emperor had arrived in Siena, and here, on 24 February
1452, outside the Porta Camellia, where the memorial
column stands to-day, the bridal pair met and embraced.
The meeting has been immortalised in the most gracious
of Pintoricchio's frescoes, and it was a ceremony calculated
to live long in the annals of a pageant-loving people. A
gorgeous procession went out to meet the bride.3 At its
head rode Albert of Austria, the Emperor's brother,
resplendent in cloth of gold, and surrounded by a band of
cavaliers " singing beautiful and joyous songs " ; next to
him came the youthful Ladislas, his long fair hair falling
in graceful curls over his shoulders. The clergy and
magistrates of the city, the professors of the University,
and four hundred charming Sienese ladies swelled the
throng. Last of all came the expectant bridegroom
mounted on a magnificent black charger, supported on
either side by the Papal Legates, and attended by a galaxy

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 19.

2 Loc. cit. Fifteen days were wasted before this punctilious gentleman
would consent to surrender Leonora to anyone but the Emperor in
person.

3 Cf . Comment arii, lib. i. p. 20 ; also Fumi and Lisini, L'Incontro di
Fedevico III con Eleonora di Portogallo, Siena, 1878.

yENEAS SILVIUS PRESENTS LEONORA OF PORTUGAL TO FREDERICK III

FRESCO BY PINTOKICCHIO
Pi c co lomini I. ib rary, Siena

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 115

of richly attired knights and barons. Presently a cry of
joy announced the approach of Bishop ^Eneas with his
precious charge. Frederick turned pale with anxiety,
but as the procession drew near, and he saw the youthful
bloom and royal bearing of his sixteen-year-old bride,
" his colour returned, and he rejoiced to find that his spouse
was even more beautiful than report had painted her." 1
Leonora was dressed in cloth of gold surmounted by a
richly brocaded mantle ; she wore a little black fur hat,
and her fair hair was visible beneath her hood. She had
bright dark eyes, a small mouth, and a brilliant complexion :
even so experienced a critic as ^Eneas could find no fault
in her appearance. The sight of her charms roused
Frederick from his habitual apathy ; springing impulsively
from his horse, he took her in his arms without further
ceremony.

A week of gay doir>gs followed, in which the jealousies
and suspicions of the past were completely forgotten.
^Eneas tasted unalloyed joy in exhibiting the glories of
his beloved Siena to the admiring Germans, and, at the
same time, giving proof to his fellow-citizens of the favour
which he enjoyed with the Emperor. The beauty and
accomplishments of the Sienese ladies were particularly
gratifying to his pride, and he does not fail to draw attention
to the elegant oration delivered by the young wife of one
of the magistrates. This gifted lady instructed Frederick
and Leonora in their conjugal duties, " and spoke so wisely
and eloquently that her hearers were stupefied with admira
tion." 2 Throughout the ensuing journey to Rome ^Eneas's
star was in the ascendant. As the cavalcade wound its

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, pp. 269-70.

2 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 272 ; cf . also Malavolti, De' fatti e Guerre del
Sanesi, p. 38. The learned lady, Battista Petrucci by name, was not
without feminine vanity. The Emperor was so much pleased with her
oration that he offered to show her any sign of favour that she might
choose ; whereupon she asked, and obtained leave, to wear the clothes
and jewels of which the sumptuary laws forbade her to make use (Malavolti,
op. cit.}.

u6 POPE PIUS II

way over the steep slopes of Monte Cimino, the Emperor
drew rein beside him, and said in half -jesting prophecy,
" We are going to Rome. I seem to see you a Cardinal.
Nay, you will soar still higher to the Chair of S. Peter.
Do not despise me when you attain to that high honour." *
On 8 March the party came in sight of the Eternal City,
and ^Eneas's heart glowed with passionate pride of race
as the Emperor's wondering gaze ranged over Hadrian's
Mole, the Baths of Diocletian, the Pantheon, the Colosseum,
the Capitol, and all the splendid heritage of the past.
" Not in vain," he exclaimed, " does a man endure hardship,
if it is given him to see Rome, the chief of the nations,
and the capital of the world." 2 Frederick spent the night
outside the walls of Rome, while ^neas went on ahead
to prepare the Pope for his arrival. He visited Nicholas
in bed, and discoursed to him at length of the Emperor's
pacific disposition, assuring him that his fears were entirely
misplaced. " The error of suspicion is less dangerous than
the error of over-confidence," 3 was the Pope's grim reply.
But here, as in Siena, the actual arrival of the Emperor
put an end to all alarms. Nicholas v received his guest,
next day, in the Portico of S. Peter's, and this solemn meet
ing was the prelude to many friendly interviews between
the twin heads of Christendom. The coronation was fixed
for 19 March, the fifth anniversary of Nicholas's coronation
as Pope. Tradition forbade an uncrowned Emperor to
show himself in the city, but Frederick " found it tedious
to remain at home," 4 and insisted on spending the ten
days of waiting in seeing the sights. On 16 May his wedding
took place, and he was crowned with the iron crown of
Lombardy as a preliminary to his assumption of the golden
crown of Empire. When the great day arrived, Pope and
Cardinals assembled before the high altar, while two pulpits
were erected for Frederick and Leonora at the entrance
to the Choir. Proceedings began with Frederick's oath

1 Commentavii, lib. i. p. 20. 2 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 275.

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 20. 4 Hist. Frid. Ill, pp. 281-2.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 117

of obedience to the Pope, taken, /Eneas tells us, " in the form
used by Louis, the son of Charles the Great/1 1 He was
then made a canon of S. Peter's, he donned the Imperial
tunic, mantle, and sandals, and was anointed with the
sacred oil. The Pope began Mass, and Frederick and
Leonora returned to their places until the time came for
Frederick's investiture with the Imperial insignia, " the
sceptre which denotes kingly power, the orb which stands
for dominion of the world, and the sword which indicates
rights of warfare." 2 Finally, the magnificent jewelled
crown was placed on his head, Leonora received her crown,
and Pope and Emperor walked hand in hand to the door
of S. Peter's, whence they rode in procession to the ancient
Basilica of S. Maria in Cosmedin. On the bridge of S.
Angelo, the Emperor dubbed three hundred knights,
and the day's ceremonies terminated with a banquet at
the Lateran, in which " I too," says ^Eneas, " had a place
at the Emperor's table." 3

Much as /Eneas appreciated the splendid pageantry
and historical significance of the scenes which he witnessed,
he was too clear-sighted not to realise their fundamental
unreality. Frederick had no power in Italy, and not a
single assertion of authority marked his visit. He received
the Lombard crown in Rome, instead of at Milan, or Monza,
because Francesco Sforza was in possession of the Duchy,
and the Emperor did not wish to recognise a usurpation that
he was powerless to prevent. The same artificial repro
duction of a vanished past showed itself in the very details
of the coronation ceremonies. The reputed insignia of
Charles the Great had been brought from Niirnberg for
use on this occasion. " When I examined the sword,"
reports our observant friend, <f I found that it belonged
not to the first Charles but to the fourth, for I saw the lion
of Bohemia engraved upon it." 4 So, too, ^Eneas deplores
the fact that the three hundred upon whom the Emperor

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 291. * Op. cit., pp. 291-2.

3 Op. cit., p. 295. 4 Op. cit., p. 292.

n8 POPE PIUS II

conferred knighthood were chosen, not for their military
valour, but for their ability to pay the dues which would
fill Frederick's empty purse. " If scholars, weak in body
and cowardly in spirit, are not ashamed to assume military
honours, why should not soldiers seek Doctors' degrees ? "
he asks. But the rewards of scholarship were being given
on the same system, and the Emperor conferred the degree
of Doctor upon many men in Italy " with whom gold took
the place of learning." 1 ^Eneas's real opinion with re
gard to Frederick in and his shadowy Empire is summed
up in the allusion to the image of Daniel's vision with which
he prefaces his account of the coronation. Once the legs
of iron were a fitting symbol of the strength and cohesion
of the Roman Empire. " Alas ! to-day it is burdened
with little of its former power. We have come, it seems,
to the era of the feet of clay." 2

Frederick and Leonora spent Easter at the Court of
Naples, as the guests of King Alfonso, while ^Eneas remained
in Rome in charge of the young King Ladislas. At this
time Austrians, Bohemians, and Hungarians were plotting
to wrest Ladislas from Frederick's guardianship, and
.ZEneas's responsibility was by no means light. The news of
a conspiracy came to the Pope's ears ; he sent for ^Eneas in
the dead of night, and warned him to keep strict watch
over the boy's apartments, lest they should wake in the
morning to find the bird flown. Thus the danger was
averted, but after this episode the Pope was so afraid of
treachery that he would not even allow Ladislas to go out
hunting with the Cardinals.3 Ere long the Emperor
returned, and, after a few farewell interviews and compli
mentary speeches, the Imperial visit was at an end :
Frederick started on his homeward journey with ^Eneas
in his train. The party travelled by way of Venice, where
the Emperor spent his time in rambling about the city,
disguised as a private individual in order to be able to drive

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, pp. 293-4. a Op. cit.t pp. 288-9.

3 Op. cit., pp. 305-6.

THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK III 119

better bargains with the Venetian shopkeepers.1 Both
Frederick and ^Eneas left Italy with regret. The Emperor
was loth to end a pleasant holiday and to take up life again
amid rebellious subjects and troublesome Diets. ^Eneas
felt that he was returning to exile, without the consolation
of the Cardinal's hat which he had hoped would come
as the reward of his activity.

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 337.

CHAPTER VI
THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE

AS the Emperor crossed the frontier on his return
to Germany, a terrific thunderstorm broke upon
the travellers. To ^Eneas it seemed the fore
boding of disaster, " the end of Italian delights, and
the beginning of German sorrows." l Life north of the
Alps had never been congenial to him, and with his
advancing years and failing health it was rapidly be
coming intolerable. The Court was seldom at Vienna
for any length of time. Frederick's favourite residence
was at Neustadt, a little country town thirty miles
from the capital, where he could spend his time in
hunting and in the cultivation of his magnificent garden,
doing his best to live as if responsibilities of Empire did
not exist. ^Eneas once wrote a charming description of
Neustadt, of the stately palace set in the midst of woods
and vineyards, of the gardens rich in fruit and flowers, of
the good air and excellent hunting. " I do not wonder/'
he declared, " that the Emperor takes pleasure in a place
that abounds in all delights."2 Nevertheless, he — and,
indeed, the majority of Frederick's courtiers — found Neu
stadt insufferably dull; and Neustadt itself seemed a
centre of life and civilisation in comparison with Frederick's
other favourite resorts, the capitals of his hereditary pro
vinces — Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. Even to the

1 Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 343.

2 y£neas Silvius to Giovanni Campisio, 8 June 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 148;
Voigt, Ep. 115).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 121

Germans these remote mountain districts appeared only
half -civilised, and to ^Eneas, life in the comfortless, scantily
equipped castle at Graz, S. Veit, or Laibach must have
stood for all that was rough and barbarous. In 1453 the
Court spent practically the whole summer at Graz. Al
though ^Eneas could not fail to appreciate the picturesque
charm of his surroundings, the keen mountain air chilled
his gouty limbs, and he had neither the health nor the
spirits to face discomfort with his wonted serenity. " I
am afflicted and tormented not only in body but in mind/'
he wrote to Goro Lolli; " for who is there with so iron a
spirit that it does not suffer when the body suffers ? . . .
I, indeed, in spite of my anguish, am not so distressed that
I cannot call back my courage, and remember that my
pains must soon be ended either by recovery or death." 1
He was ill enough to look upon death almost in the light
of a release, and in his suffering and depression he longed
more than ever to be back in Italy, among old friends and
familiar surroundings. "Day and night," he cried, "I
have the sweet soil of my country before my eyes." His
thoughts flew, not to Campisio and Piero da Noceto, the
friends of his public life, but to his mother, Goro Lolli,
Mariano Sozzini, Giorgio Andrenzio, and other companions
of his youth. His dearest wish was to return to Siena ; he
had already asked leave of absence from the Emperor,
and intended to start as soon as he felt strong enough
for the journey.2 Before the end of the year he actually
sent orders to his Vicar in Siena to prepare the episcopal
palace for his arrival ; 3 but, for one cause and another, his
departure was postponed, and it was not until 1455 that
he again crossed the Alps.

If ^Eneas craved for home, it may well be asked, why
did he not sever his connection with the Imperial Court,
and take up his residence in Siena ? He himself supplies

1 Opera, Ep. 146, 3 Sept. 1453.

2 Opera, Ep. 146 ; cf. also Epp. 132, 133, 136, 143, etc.

3 JEneas to his Vicar, 10 Dec. 1453 (Weiss, Ep. 91).

122 POPE PIUS II

the answer. " While I remain with the Emperor," he
wrote, " the Pope and the Cardinals still value me a little.
If I were in Siena they would cease to remember me. . . .
The Roman Curia only pays respect to a man's reputation,
not to the man himself. ... If I left the Imperial Court
I should be dropped, for I should be of no further use."1
Our hero was a person of strong feelings, and his letters
were often made the vehicle of his emotions ; but when
it came to action, common sense usually prevailed. His
will was set upon becoming a Cardinal, and he knew that he
could never rest content until this purpose was accomplished ;
misery at Graz, with hope to sustain him, was more tolerable
than a life of ease and obscurity at Siena. So he lingered
on at the Imperial Court, and meanwhile both Frederick
and Ladislas pressed his claims to the Cardinalate. In
Rome his cause was warmly championed by Piero da
Noceto, who had also served under Parentucelli, in the old
days, in Albergata's household, and had found favour
where ^neas had only met with disapproval. Since the
accession of Nicholas v, Piero had risen to a high position
in the Curia. As a layman, with a wife and children, the
surest path of advancement was closed to him, but he was
treated as the Pope's confidential adviser, and had been
among the three hundred who received knighthood at the
time of the Imperial coronation. " Commend me to the
Holy Father, and take care that his goodwill towards me
is increased rather than diminished. I, meanwhile, will
do the same for you with the Emperor, with all diligence." 2
So wrote ^Eneas to his faithful friend, and Piero doubtless
did his best. But Nicholas v was not to be moved. He
carried his prejudice so far as to determine that ^Eneas
should not be a Cardinal, and as long as he lived the red
hat hovered elusively upon our hero's horizon.

In the meantime, events in Germany were providing
the would-be Cardinal with sufficient occupation. Five

to Goro Lolli, i July 1453 (Weiss, Ep. 48).
2 Opera, Ep. 148, 18 Sept. 1453.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 123

months after his coronation the Emperor was besieged in
his own palace at Neustadt by the rebellious Austrians,
and forced to buy their withdrawal by handing over Ladislas
to their charge. A determined effort to free Ladislas from
his cousin's wardship was now in process, and a joint em
bassy from Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary had already
gone to Rome in order to protest against the Pope's inter
ference on Frederick's behalf.1 Nicholas, however, re
mained faithful to his ally, and met the complaints of the
three nations by an admonition to obey the Emperor on
pain of excommunication. In the hands of an active
Emperor, the Papal pronouncement might have proved
an effective instrument, but under existing circumstances
it was simply disregarded. The University of Vienna
appealed from Nicholas v to a better instructed Pope,
and the Austrians gathered round Neustadt with the in
tention of carrying their point by force of arms.

^Eneas did his best to steer his Imperial master through
this tangle of difficulties. He realised that Ladislas could
not be kept in tutelage indefinitely, and that, in the absence
of any military preparations, it was impossible for Neu
stadt to withstand a siege. Therefore he urged the Em
peror to avoid the indignity of a defeat by doing at once
what must be done sooner or later, and declaring his ward
ship of Ladislas at an end.2 But less prudent counsels pre
vailed, and the siege was continued until the Austrians
bombarded the gates of Neustadt from the vantage-ground
of an adjacent mill, and so brought Frederick to his knees.
Ladislas was handed over to the Count of Cilly without
further negotiation, and the question of his future was
left to be decided at the approaching Diet of Vienna.
Thither, in December 1452, went vEneas, as the chief repre
sentative of the Emperor. His clever speech, Adversus

1 Frederick had obtained the Pope's promise of support against the
Austrians while he was in Rome, but unfortunately he had disregarded
Nicholas v's warning. Cf. Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 287 ; " Tu cave, ne dum
spiritualia quaeris arma, materialia negligas."

2 Hist. Frid. Ill, pp. 377-8.

124 POPE PIUS II

Austriales,1 put the case for both Pope and Emperor with
irresistible logic ; but his eloquence was as powerless as the
Papal censures to counteract the fundamental weakness of
Frederick's position. The Austrians realised that there
was nothing to prevent them from doing as they pleased,
and they refused to sign the terms drawn up by the Diet of
Vienna. Until his death, in 1457, Ladislas was separated
from his former guardian, and Frederick lost such control
as he possessed over Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary.

To ^Eneas the Diet of Vienna, and everything connected
with it, seemed a pitiable exhibition of Imperial weakness.
He describes, in the language of outraged decorum, how
Albert of Brandenburg left Vienna and bearded Frederick
at Neustadt in order to demand a personal hearing for
his case against the city of Niirnberg. ^Eneas was
doing business with the Emperor when this unmannerly
gentleman burst into the room and declared loudly that
he cared nought for Pope or Emperor, but that he, a prince
of noble blood, would not be judged by marshals and chamber
lains. " This is a common failing in princes," remarks
the courteous Italian ; " they are brought up among inferiors
who praise all that they say, and when they mix with
strangers and equals they storm and lose their temper if
they are crossed." 2 The majority of the princes followed
hard upon Brandenburg's heels to Neustadt, and Frederick,
who had stayed at home to avoid the Diet, found it estab
lished in his own palace. It needed all ^Eneas's statecraft
to prevent the Emperor from being forced into an un
just pronouncement, under the menace of Brandenburg's
anger. With this prince, as with the Austrians, might
was right ; he had no respect for Imperial authority or for
the decisions of the Diet. And the year 1453 had already
dawned ; in a few months the capture of Constantinople
would fling out a challenge to the nations of Europe to
unite in defence of Christendom against the Turk. As

1 Mansi, Pius II Orationes, vol. i. p. 184.
rid.III,p. 417.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 125

far as Germany was concerned, none knew better than
^Eneas how faint was the prospect of an effective response
to the call.

The news of the fall of Constantinople reached the
Imperial Court at Graz. Even the phlegmatic Emperor
was moved to tears, and to ^Eneas the disaster was quite
overwhelming. As a statesman, the establishment of the
Turkish power at Constantinople made him tremble for
the fate of Europe, torn by national and civil strife.
" Mahomet now reigns among us/' he wrote; "already
the Turkish sword is hanging over our head. The Black
Sea is closed to us ... the Wallachians must obey the
infidel; soon the Hungarians and the Germans will share
their fate." x As an ecclesiastic, he felt that the whole
Catholic Church had suffered disgrace. He thought
mournfully of S. Sophia, and of the other famous Basilicas
of Constantinople, which were either in ruins or polluted
by infidel rites. It seemed to him that the Eastern Church
had received a blow from which she could never recover.
" Of the two lights of Christendom, one has been put out."
Above all, as a humanist he grieved for the loss of the
priceless manuscripts which must inevitably accompany
the destruction of the centre of Grecian civilisation. " What
can I say of the countless books, which are as yet unknown
to the Latin world ? " he wrote to that other sorrowing
scholar, Pope Nicholas v. " Alas ! how many names of
famous men will perish. It is a second death to Homer
and to Plato. Where shall we find our poets and our philo
sophers ? The fount of the Muses is stopped." 2 In the
face of so great a calamity the only refuge lay in prompt
action. All his powers of persuasion were thrown into
the passionate appeal to Nicholas v to take up his burden,
and to rally the forces of Europe for a Crusade against the
Turk. "It is for you, Holy Father, to arise, to address
kings, to send legates, to exhort princes. . . . Now, while

1 vEneas to Pope Nicholas v, 12 July 1453 (Opera, Ep. 162).

2 Op. cit.

126 POPE PIUS II

the evil is recent, let Christian States hasten to take counsel,
to make peace with their co-religionists, and to move with
united forces against the enemies of the saving Cross." It
must be allowed that ^Eneas lived up to his precepts
nobly. For the two years that he remained in Germany
he wrote letters and attended Diets with untiring vigour,
and, during the eleven years of life that were still left to him,
the suffering East was seldom absent from his thoughts. The
fall of Constantinople, a crisis in the history of Europe,
was also a turning-point in ^Eneas's career. From that
day forward he never ceased to work for the crusading
cause, and death cut him off in the midst of his labours.

The months which followed the fall of Constantinople
were full of disappointment for those who had fixed their
hopes upon a Crusade. At first there seemed a fair prospect
of something being done. Nicholas v felt that the honour
of the Papacy was at stake, and was eager to wipe out the
disgrace. By a Bull of 30 September 1453 he solemnly
published a Crusade, and called on all Christian princes
to take part in the holy war.1 The Emperor summoned a
European Congress to meet at Regensburg in the spring
of 1454, and this, with the preaching of Fra Giovanni
Capistrano, and the appearance of the Bishop of Pavia
as a special legate for the furtherance of the Crusade in
Germany, created a respectable appearance of activity.
But the first flicker of enthusiasm died away almost as
soon as it arose. The Emperor's zeal was not sufficient to
overcome his habitual repugnance to Diets, and he seized
on the excuse of some local disturbance in Styria to an
nounce his inability to attend the Congress. " He decided,
after the manner of men, to attend to his own affairs
in person, and to depute public business to the care of
others," * writes the indignant Jineas, after vainly endea
vouring to rouse Frederick to a sense of his duty. Mean
while Nicholas v was a prey to misgivings of a similar

1 Raynaldus, Annales Ecclesiastici, 1453, Nos, 9-12.
8 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 22.

THE SULTAN MAHOMET II

PORTRAIT BY GENTILE BEI.I.INI
Layard Collection, I' t nice

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 127

kind. To him the Congress of Regensburg was a General
Council in embryo, therefore he refused to join with
Frederick in summoning the princes of Europe to attend ;
and beyond sending his legate, he did nothing to promote
its success. When Pope and Emperor refused to subor
dinate their selfish fears to the welfare of Christendom, little
could be expected from men of lesser degree. ^Eneas had
a specimen of the ardour of German princes when he halted
on his way to Regensburg in order to invite Louis of Bavaria
to act as one of the Emperor's representatives at the Con
gress. The Duke of Bavaria was a tall, handsome young
man of twenty-eight, ready of speech, and most pleasant
in manner — a perfect prince, in ^Eneas's opinion, if only
he had known Latin. He might have added, "if he had
possessed more of the crusading spirit." Louis replied
to the Emperor's request with a courteous refusal ; and
although he promised to send representatives, it was clear
that he did not contemplate attending the Congress in
person. " Meanwhile, outside the castle, innumerable
dogs were barking, horses were chafing, and loud voices were
heard swearing at the delay, and cursing the Imperial
envoys for spoiling the day's hunting." 1 The Duke
invited ^Eneas to join him, and on being refused, he
mounted his horse, and, " surrounded by a joyous and
youthful throng," was soon lost to sight in the forest.

The Congress of Regensburg was saved from abject
failure by the inspiring presence of the Duke of Burgundy.
This splendid prince, whom ^Eneas had seen in the prime
of his manhood, twenty years before, at the Congress of
Arras, was still strong and vigorous for all his sixty years,
and he had sworn, with solemn rites, that he would never
rest until the Turk was driven out of Europe. " One
prince," wrote ^Eneas, " seems to me, above all others,
worthy of praise — Philip, Duke of Burgundy, who when
he was bidden to a Congress summoned for the salvation

1 Jineas Silvius, Historia de Ratisponensi Dieta (Mansi, Pius II
Orationes, vol. iii. pp. 1-85).

128 POPE PIUS II

of Christian peoples, refused to desert the common cause
by sending an excuse."1 Philip's father, John the Fear
less, had been taken prisoner by the Turk at the disastrous
battle of Nicopolis, and the present Duke felt himself bound
to the Crusade by filial piety as well as by the chivalrous
traditions of a long line of ancestors. His coming put
life into the proceedings at Regensburg. Louis of Bavaria
left his hunting, and other princes were shamed into attend
ance, or at least into sending envoys. Matters progressed
so far, that a definite scheme for raising an army was drawn
up by the Imperial representatives, and received the ap
proval of the Assembly.2 But the letter which ^Eneas
wrote to a friend in Italy, soon after the close of the Congress,
shows that he, at any rate, was under no illusions as to the
value of what had been effected.3 " If the Congress is
large, you say, there is good hope of a successful issue. Is
that what you think ? For my part I prefer to be silent,
and I could wish that my opinion were false and untrust
worthy rather than that of a true prophet. My wishes
differ from my hopes. I cannot persuade myself of any good
result. . . . Christendom has no head whom all will obey.
Neither Pope nor Emperor receives what is his due ; there
is no reverence, and no obedience ; we look on Pope and Em
peror only as names in a story or heads in a picture. Every
city has its own king ; there are as many princes as there
are houses : how will you persuade this multitude of rulers
to take up arms ? " " Pride, sloth, avarice," he wrote a
few months later, " these are three most malignant plagues
which have caused our religion to fall before the sword of
the Turk. If we were humble, active, and generous, we
could easily collect an army which would crush, not the
Turk only, but all unbelievers. But no one will curb his
ambitions, or submit to the will of others. We all suffer

1 ^Eneas to Leonardo Benvoglienti, 5 July 1454 (Opera, Ep. 127).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 23 : " in verba Aeneae decretum factum
est."

3 Loc. cit., Opera, Ep. 127.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 129

from the disease of Jason, who bore it ill if he did not rule,
because he had never learned to be ruled." 1

These gloomy prognostications were justified by the
proceedings at Frankfort, where the Diet met in the autumn
of 1454, in order to discuss the Regensburg proposals. The
temper of the German princes had changed in the interval,
and now not a voice was raised in favour of the Crusade.
The members of the Diet, ^Eneas tells us, " spoke evil of
Pope and Emperor, insulted their envoys, and mocked at
the Burgundians." It was even said that the Crusade was
a mere device for obtaining money, and the pitiful appeals
of the Hungarians for aid were met with the taunt that, as
they could not defend their country themselves, they were
trying to involve Germany in their own downfall.2 ^Eneas
did his best to bring the princes to a better frame of mind.
In a speech of two hours' duration, which was listened to,
he assures us, with the closest attention,3 he prevailed upon
the Diet to renew the Regensburg decrees. Fra Giovanni
Capistrano, who was in Frankfort at the time, could not say
too much in his praise. " Both by his admirable oration
and his excellent advice, he has conducted himself at this
Diet with unexampled prudence and ability." 4 But the
princes were in a dangerous mood. The deliberations upon
the Crusade gave them an opportunity for raising the whole
question of reform of the Empire, and they determined
not to vote supplies for the war until their own grievances
had been dealt with. In order that Frederick should have
no means of escape, it was decided that the next Diet should
be held at Neustadt. Here, in February 1455, the forces
gathered, yet a third time, for the fray. " I am very much

Silvius to Fra Giovanni Capistrano, Jan. 1455 (Opera, Ep.
405, p. 947).

2 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 23.

3 Loc. cit. ^Eneas's own way of expressing this is realistic : " Oravit
ille duabus ferme horis, ita intentis animis auditus, ut nemo unquam
expuerit."

4 Giovanni Capistrano to Pope Nicholas v, 28 Oct. 1454 (Wadding,
Annales Minorum, Rome, 1735, vol. xii. p. 203).

9

130 POPE PIUS II

afraid that the building which we erected at Frankfort will
be destroyed," wrote ^neas to Capistrano.1 It was, in fact,
all ready to crumble about the ears of the luckless Emperor,
who was faced with the alternative of making abject sub
mission to the princes on the question of reform, or of
rendering himself ridiculous in the eyes of Europe, through
the refusal of the Diet to grant supplies.

In the midst of the proceedings at Neustadt, the death
of Pope Nicholas v (24 March 1455) offered an unexpected
way of escape from the dilemma. All parties hailed the
sad event as an excuse for delay, and after agreeing that
the levy of the crusading army should be postponed for a
year, the members of the Diet went their several ways.
" At the Diet of Neustadt," wrote the despairing Hun
garians, " all that has been achieved, besides loss of precipus
time and disappointment of high hopes, is that, to the joy
of our enemies, nothing has been done."2 These fruitless
assemblies had taught them that they had nothing to ex
pect from Germany, and that the brunt of the Turkish
war must be borne by them alone. In the following year
they were reinforced by a motley crowd of Crusaders under
Capistrano' s leadership, which shared with them in the one
striking success of the Christian forces, the relief of Belgrad
(21 July 1456). But the hero of the day was the gallant
Hungarian soldier Hunyadi, whose brilliant generalship
and self-sacrificing devotion kept the Turk at bay, while
Europe looked on, inactive and indifferent.

And what of ^Eneas's feelings as he contemplated the
shattered ruin of a noble scheme, the sole result of his
labours for the past two years ? Sad, weary, and disap
pointed, he realised, perhaps for the first time, the limita
tions of that " goddess of persuasion " in whom he put
his trust. Eloquence had failed to kindle the imagination
of Europe, to counteract the weakness of the Imperial

1 Opera, Ep. 405, p. 948.

2 Letter of the Hungarian leaders to Calixtus m, 21 July 1455 (Wadding,
vol. xii. p. 254).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 131

power, or to render German Diets effective. In spite of
his letters and speeches, in spite of his passionate en
thusiasm, he was obliged to endorse the verdict of the
Hungarians that nothing had been done.

The death of Nicholas v and the election of his successor
made it necessary for Frederick to send an embassy to
Rome in order to renew the obedience of Germany. /Eneas
and his friend Johann Hinderbach were the chosen envoys,
and in May 1455 they set out on their journey. As far as
yEneas was concerned the visit to Italy would be, in any
case, of some months' duration, for he intended to take his
long-postponed holiday in Siena as soon as he had finished
the Emperor's business. His plans for the future depended
upon the new regime in Rome, concerning which he was,
as yet, very much in the dark. Nicholas v, although he
withheld the Cardinal's hat, belonged to vEneas's own
circle ; the two had friends and interests in common, and
as long as he reigned in Rome, ^Eneas knew that he could
not be entirely forgotten. On the other hand, the old
Spaniard, Alfonso Borgia, who was now Pope Calixtus in,
was an entirely unknown quantity. There was the fear
that ^Eneas might lose such influence as he possessed
in the Curia, yet there was also the hope that Calixtus
might prove kinder than Nicholas, and that /Eneas' s
admission to the College of Cardinals might absolve him
from the necessity of returning to Germany. In spite of
the friction between them, ^Eneas had a sincere admiration
for Nicholas v, and his verdict upon the dead Pope is written
with true appreciation of the masterful, hot-tempered,
highly cultivated scholar. After speaking of Nicholas's
wonderful memory, profound learning, and generous
patronage of art and letters, he adds : " He was quick
to anger, but soon repented. His care for the sick and
needy was unfailing. He was truthful in speech, and could
not tolerate lies and inaccuracies. He trusted in himself
too much, and never thought a thing well done unless he
had done it. He loved choice books and fine clothes.

132 POPE PIUS II

He was staunch to his friends, although there was not one
of them who did not occasionally experience his anger.
He could forgive an injury but he never forgot it." 1
" His buildings show the vastness of his soul, for no one
built more splendidly, more lavishly, or more rapidly than
he." 2 Such was the final tribute of one humanist to
another. Sorrow for the loss of a true man of letters and
mingled hope and misgiving with regard to his own future
were the prevailing sentiments in Jineas's mind, as he
crossed the Alps for the last time.

Rome, in the summer of 1455, was a changed place since
jEneas had last visited it. Piero da Noceto had lost his
post at the Vatican, being one of the many scholars who
were thrown out of employment by the death of the
humanist Pope. For artists, architects, collectors, trans
lators, and men of letters of every kind, the golden age of
prosperity had vanished. The new Pope cared nothing
for the arts ; he was simple in his habits and rarely left
his own room ; all the strength and energy that remained
to him were devoted to the two great objects of his heart's
desire, the promotion of the Borgia family and the prose-
secution of the war against the Turk. " The matter is very
dear to our Holy Lord," 3 wrote ^Eneas, on the subject of
the Crusade. " He thinks of nothing else night and day
save by what means the Turk can be defeated. Both in
private and public he declares his firm belief that he will not
die until Constantinople is recovered." Calixtus had small
faith in Congresses, but preaching friars were sent through
the length and breadth of Europe, selling indulgences,
collecting tithes, and enlisting recruits for the crusading
army. Meanwhile his own efforts were directed towards
the production of an adequate Papal fleet. The treasures
of Nicholas v's collection, the gorgeous bindings of the
books in the Vatican Library, even the golden salt-cellar
from the Pope's dinner-table, were all sacrificed to the

1 Fea, p. 109. a Hist. Frid. Ill, p. 138.

8 Cugnoni, Ep. 58, pp. 121 seg.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 133

same end, and in a year's time a fleet of sixteen vessels
set sail for the East, a creditable witness to Calixtus ill's
self-sacrificing zeal.

Common enthusiasm for the Crusade at once created
a strong bond of union between ^Eneas and the Pope, and
our hero's own reception left nothing to be desired. But
on the question of German obedience Calixtus proved
the reverse of conciliatory. " On the evening of our arrival,"
^neas wrote to the Emperor, " we sent to our Holy Lord,
saying that we wished to speak to him in secret before the
public audience. He replied that he would be glad to
hear us, but that we must beware of trying to make con
ditions with regard to the obedience, as under no circum
stances would he accept a conditional obedience. The
message seemed hard to us, but we went to His Holiness
on the following day and expounded to him your Majesty's
honourable intentions, and then, with all possible modesty,
we brought forward your requests." l But the Papacy had
grown stronger since the day when ^Eneas first proffered
the obedience of Germany to the dying Eugenius, while
the power of the Emperor had waned, and no amount of
tact could readjust the balance between them. The
Imperial alliance was no longer of vital importance to the
Pope ; therefore he declined to buy it by concessions, and
^Eneas ended by renewing the obedience without further
reference to the conditions which Frederick had hoped to
impose.

Meanwhile ^Eneas heard himself spoken of in Rome as
likely to be made a Cardinal in Advent. When the time
came for the publication of Calixtus m's first creations a
rumour went out from the Vatican that both the Bishop
of Siena and the Bishop of Zamora were among the new
Cardinals. y£neas was suffering from a sharp attack of
gout, and his friends hurried to his bedside with the good
news ; but he prudently declined to indulge in any demon-

Silvius and Johann Hinderbach to Frederick m, Rome,
8 Sept. 1455 (Cugnoni, Aeneae Silvii Opera Inedita, pp. 122-6).

134 POPE PIUS II

strations of joy until the rumour was confirmed. " Yet so
varied is the nature of man that some easily believe what
they desire " ; the Bishop of Zamora at once accepted the
news as true. " Now at last I obtain what I have coveted
for the past thirty-nine years," he cried, and hurried to his
favourite church to return thanks.1 But when the result
of the Consistory was made known there were only three
new Cardinals, and neither ^Eneas nor Zamora was among
them. It was a bitter disappointment, but ^Eneas took
consolation from the thought that he had been spared
from making himself ridiculous, and waited with what
patience he could muster for a future creation. He em
ployed his time, during the interval, in a visit to the Court
of Naples, where his influence prevailed upon King Alfonso
to make peace between the condottiere, Jacopo Piccinino,
and the Republic of Siena. At first Alfonso had refused
to listen to the entreaties of the Sienese, but on ^Eneas' s
arrival all was changed.2 The Neapolitan king was a
man of culture and a generous patron, he had made friends
with ^Eneas over the Emperor's marriage negotiations six
years before, and he welcomed him back to Naples with
real pleasure. " Now we will gladly speak of peace," he
said, " for a mediator has arrived whom we love." 3 ^Eneas
was thoroughly in his element at the Neapolitan Court,
in the cultivated society of scholars and artists which
circled round the great Alfonso. Among the chief literary
lights was Antonio Beccadelli, II Panormita, whom ^Eneas
had known in University days at Siena, and who was now
collecting the literary materials for Alfonso's career.
^Eneas spent his leisure moments in compiling four books
of anecdotes and epigrams to add to his friend's collection.4
He also visited the sights of the neighbourhood — Baia,
Cumae, Salerno, Amalfi — and showed his accustomed zest

1 Commentarii, lib. i. pp. 25-6. 2 Cf. Malavolti, p. 54.

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 27.

4 ^Eneas Silvius, In Libras Antonii Panormitae poetae, de dictis et
factis Alphonsi regis memorabilibus Conimentarius (Opera, pp. 472-97).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 135

in hunting out everything of interest, from classical remains
to relics of the Apostles.1 Thus the days passed pleasantly
enough, and he left Naples, feeling that he had discovered
in Alfonso the humanist's ideal of what a prince should be.
He even congratulated himself — so well did Alfonso under
stand the art of dissimulation — on having secured a distin
guished recruit for the Crusade. On returning to Rome
he was again greeted with the news that he was about to
be made a Cardinal. This time there was no mistake, and
on 18 December 1456 ^neas entered the Sacred College as
Cardinal Priest of Santa Sabina.

The two short years of his Cardinalate were probably
among the happiest in ^Eneas's life. After hard work and
many disappointments, he had at last achieved his am
bition, and as he contemplated the life of cultivated ease
and pleasant companionship which opened out to him in
Rome, he felt as if he had left struggles and difficulties
for ever behind him. His triumph was made sweeter by
the knowledge that it had been won in the face of strenuous
opposition. The members of the Sacred College feared
that more scions of the Borgia family would be added to
their numbers, and they protested to the last against any
fresh creations. "No Cardinals ever entered the College
with greater difficulty than we ; for rust had so corroded
the hinges that the door would not open." 2 So wrote
^Eneas, in a spirit of entire satisfaction, to a fellow-recipient
of the red hat, the Bishop of Pavia. To Nicholas of Cusa,
already a Cardinal of some years' standing, he wrote beg
ging him to leave his German bishopric in order to act as
mentor and guide to his new colleague.3 " Rome is the
only country for Cardinals," he exclaimed, rejoicing at
the thought that he need never leave Italy again. " Even
if a man were born in the Indies, he would have either to

1 Commentani, lib. i. p. 27.

2 /Eneas Silvius to the Cardinal of Pavia (Opera, Ep. 195, p. 765),
26 Dec. 1456.

3 /Eneas Silvius to Cardinal Cusa (Opera, Ep. 197, p. 765), 27 Dec.
1456.

136 POPE PIUS II

refuse the hat, or to seek Rome, the home and mother of
us all/'

Nevertheless, it was not in ^Eneas's nature to rest upon
his laurels, and he had not been long a Cardinal before he
found new objects to strive for, and fresh spurs to his
ambition. In the first place, the new Cardinal found him
self decidedly short of money. " Poor I was born, and
poor I have remained ; my honour has increased, but not
so my riches." l The bishopric of Siena, he had long com
plained, was " as unfruitful as an elm tree," 2 and what
with the disturbed state of the country, and the constant
litigation arising out of the affairs of the see, his Vicar
had hard work to make both ends meet. ^Eneas also suffered
from being the most prosperous member of a large and
needy family. His tastes were simple and books his only
luxury, but he soon realised that he must add to his income,
if he were to maintain himself with suitable dignity and
satisfy the hungry crowd of poor relations who were for
ever at his doors. Thereupon began a zealous hunt for
vacant benefices which was conducted by means of his
many friends in Germany. " When anything falls vacant
in your country that you think we could obtain, pray
inform us of it," 3 ^Eneas wrote to Heinrich Senftleben, one
of the Imperial secretaries. Again, on the following day
to another friend : " When you hear that any monastery or
good canonry is vacant, let us know quickly."4 On the
death of the Bishop of Ermland, in 1457, he was elected as
his successor by a section of the Chapter, but in spite of the
Pope's support, he was never able to obtain possession of
the see ; nevertheless, the citizens of the remote Baltic
port are still proud to reckon ^Eneas Silvius among their
Bishops.5 Disappointments of this kind were of common
occurrence, but ^Eneas himself confesses to deriving an

1 Opera, Ep. 352, p. 830.

2 ^neas to the Cardinal of Fermo, 22 Jan. 1454 (Weiss, Ep. 130 j
Voigt, Ep. 348).

3 Opera, Ep. 272, p. 793. 4 Opera, Ep. 273, p. 794.

5 Cf. Voigt, vol. ii. pp. 223-32, for a detailed account of the episode.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 137

income of two thousand ducats from the German Church,
only a fair reward, in his own opinion, for long service in
Germany.1 Yet he did not wish to exceed the limits of
propriety or to appear unduly grasping. " It does not
please us that another benefice should have been taken in
our name in so short a time," he wrote to an over-zealous
friend ; "we are most anxious not to displease this nation,
but we are driven by necessity, for we must maintain a
fitting position." 2

Far more than riches, ^Eneas coveted an influential
position in the Curia. A Cardinal who was not a Papal
favourite, a member of a powerful Roman family, or the
representative of some foreign power, tended to sink into
obscurity, and this was a prospect which our hero could
not even contemplate. Here again, his connection with
Germany served him in good stead, and he lost no oppor
tunity of asserting his claim to represent the Empire in
Rome. More valuable still was his native talent for adapt
ing himself to new surroundings, establishing easy relations
with his colleagues, proving his worth, and making friends.
Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, the Pope's ambitious nephew,
found in ^Eneas an agreeable companion, who did not judge
his youthful follies too harshly, and who was always ready
to do him a service. On the other hand, Cardinal Orsini,
who headed a rival faction in the College, lived on equally
good terms with him. Towards his inferiors he was affable
and easy of access ; his equals he treated with just sufficient
deference to gratify their vanity. His tact, courtesy, and
cheerfulness were unfailing. It is easy to understand that,
while possessing few outward advantages, Cardinal Piccolo-
mini soon came to occupy a unique position in the Curia,
and that, as the advancing years of Calixtus in turned all
thoughts towards another Papal election, ^Eneas should be
thought of as a possible candidate for the throne of S. Peter.

^Eneas's claim to be the chief representative of the

1 Opera, Ep. 356. Cf. also Martin Mayr to /Eneas, Opera, p. 1035.

2 Opera, Ep. 321, /Eneas to Johann Tolner, 4 Nov. 1457.

138 POPE PIUS II

Empire among the Cardinals was not allowed to pass un
challenged. The Cardinal of Pavia considered that he had
a right to the position, on the strength of his somewhat in
glorious legatine mission to Germany for the promotion of
the Crusade, and he was constantly interfering in German
affairs, in a way that ^Eneas regarded as wholly unwarrant
able. The latter was especially tenacious of his privileges
where King Ladislas was concerned, and when Pavia
carried his interference into this quarter it was a case of open
warfare. " We beg you to see to it that when His Holiness
and the Cardinals are addressed on Hungarian affairs, we
are made to appear greatly beloved by the King, as indeed
we are ; for there are certain persons here who wish to sup
plant us, as if they were more ' royal ' than we ... and it
would be unjust if new-comers were allowed to usurp our
position." l So wrote ^Eneas to a Hungarian friend, when
he had reason to fear the activity of his rival. Every
incident in ecclesiastical politics was turned to the pur
poses of this unseemly feud : if .Eneas supported one
candidate for a vacant bishopric, Pavia promptly sup
ported another, generally to find himself worsted by one
whose experience of German affairs was greatly superior to
his own. ^Eneas had too intimate a knowledge of Germany
to make the struggle equal, but, in spite of the satisfaction
which he derived from his rival's discomfiture, he was con
scious of the brevity of royal memories, and his letters show
that he had a nervous fear of being supplanted and for
gotten. When a new Papal envoy, Lorenzo Rovarella, was
sent to effect a reconciliation between the Emperor and
Ladislas, ^Eneas wrote anxiously to Senf tleben : " The man
burns with an incredible desire to appear German and
the arbiter of Germany, but if the King is wise he will con
tinue to make use of one with whom he has eaten a bushel
of salt." 2 In this frame of mind nothing could be more
welcome to him than the fresh difficulties which arose between

1 Opera, Ep. 246, p. 782, To Nicolao Listio, 10 March 1457.

2 Opera, Ep. 311, p. 811, 2 Nov. 1457.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 139

the Papacy and the German Church. Directly the friction be
came serious, he, with his long experience as a mediator, was
the one person who could be of use : Cardinal Piccolomini
was as active and as important as he wished to be.

The trouble arose in 1456, when the German princes
began to make sporadic efforts after reform, their zeal
taking the usual shape of a combined attack upon Pope
and Emperor. At one moment both Frederick and Calixtus
were in danger of deposition, and the threat of a Pragmatic
Sanction for Germany was brandished, sword-like, over the
Pope's head. But, as usual, the Diets from which great
deeds were expected, achieved little but empty words, and
when ^Eneas was drawn into the struggle, matters had
already reached the stage at which individual reformers
were willing to be bribed into abandoning their revolution
ary designs. In August 1457, Martin Mayr, the Chancellor
of the Archbishop of Mainz, wrote to congratulate ^Eneas
on his Cardinalate, and he made this friendly letter the
vehicle for a detailed indictment of the Pope's dealings
with the German Church.1 The ruthless disregard of the
principle of free capitular election, the shameless sale of
benefices, the use of reservation as a means of enriching
members of the Curia, these and numerous other forms of
Papal extortion were the burden of Mayr's complaint.
The grievances were genuine enough, but ^Eneas read
between the lines of the letter, and realised that its true
purport was to show that the Archbishop of Mainz, hitherto
the leader of the reforming party, was prepared to enter
upon separate negotiations with the Pope. With skill
born of experience, he at once took the necessary steps to
complete the process of dissolution. In his answer to
Mayr 2 he assured him of the Pope's readiness to redress any
grievances which the Electors would point out, and the
Archbishop of Mainz promptly acted upon the suggestion,
sending an envoy to Rome in the following month who

1 Martin Mayr to ;£neas Silvius, Opera, p. 1035.

2 Opera, Ep. 369.

140 POPE PIUS II

was able to effect an understanding between Calixtus and
his some-time opponent. Meanwhile ^Eneas wrote secret
instructions to his many friends in Germany as to the
part which it behoved them to play.1 He supplied the
Emperor with an appropriate defence of the Papal policy,2
and he suggested to the Pope the exact degree of cordiality
or severity which he should use towards the various digni
taries of the German Church.3 So well did he do his
work that when the death of Ladislas in November 1457
turned the thoughts of Germany into another channel, this
sad event gave the final blow to a movement that was
already dead. The only permanent importance of the
whole episode lies in the fact that it produced the Ger-
mania, that vivid picture of fifteenth-century Germany,
one of the best and most characteristic of ^Eneas's literary
works.

De ritu, situ, conditione et moribus Germaniae* to give it
its full title, was an expansion of ^Eneas's original answer
to Martin Mayr. It was an attempt to vindicate the Papal
policy in Germany by showing the degree of power and
prosperity to which the country had attained under the
auspices of the Catholic Church. Thus it is frankly a
political pamphlet, a forcible statement of one side of
the question, containing much that is open to argument,
and much that is exaggerated and over-coloured. Neverthe
less, it surpasses all other descriptions of the day, because
there was no one who knew Germany so intimately as
^Eneas, and who possessed, at the same time, the artist's
vision and the artist's power of reproduction. Smiling
cities and noble churches, fertile lands and broad rivers,
the prosperity of the merchants, the power and wealth
of the princes, both ecclesiastical and lay — all these are
portrayed in the Germania, to the delight of generations

1 Cf. Opera, Epp. 320, 331, 335, 337, etc.

2 Calixtus in to Frederick in, 31 Aug. 1457 (written by ^Eneas in
the Pope's name), Opera, Ep. 371, p. 840.

3 Cf. Voigt, vol. ii. p. 237. 4 Opera, pp. 1035-86.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 141

of German patriots, who have forgotten, if they were ever
aware of, the circumstances which led to its production.

The Germania is not alone among ^Eneas's writings at
this period. Comparative leisure and access to good libraries
gave him opportunities for literary work which he had not
enjoyed before. During his brief career as Cardinal he
was at work on his History of Frederick III, carrying it
down to the death of King Ladislas. He also compiled the
Euro-pa, a preliminary collection of materials which he
hoped to weave into a Cosmographia, or historical and
geographical treatise upon all parts of the known world.
Finally, in the summer of 1458, when he was staying at
Viterbo, taking baths for his gout, he beguiled the time by
writing a History of Bohemia, a country in which he had
taken special interest since the days of his first encounter
with the Hussites at Basel. He intended to offer the
book to his friend King Alfonso, and he had already com
posed the dedication when he heard that the great patron
of humanism had breathed his last (June 1458). A few
weeks later his peaceful villegiatura was interrupted by the
news of the death of Calixtus in (6 August). Cardinal
Calandrini, Nicholas v's nephew, who had also been taking
baths in the neighbourhood, came hurriedly to Viterbo,
and he and ^Eneas set out together for Rome. Both Car
dinals were considered possible candidates for the Papacy,
and the Romans, who had set their hearts upon an Italian
Pope, gave them a demonstrative welcome as they rode
into the city. On 16 August, in the Vatican Palace, the
Cardinals entered the Conclave.

CHAPTER VII
THE PAPAL ELECTION

AT the Papal election of 1458 the College of Cardinals
numbered twenty-four members. Of these, Car
dinals Carvajal and Scarampo were away on special
missions, the one in Hungary, the other in charge of the
Papal fleet ; Nicholas of Cusa had remained faithful to his
own diocese of Brixen, in spite of ^Eneas's efforts to entice
him to Rome ; the Bishop of Augsburg was one of those
purely German ecclesiastics who never visited the Curia ; and
two Frenchmen, Cardinals Rolin and de Longueil, were also
absent from the Conclave. Thus the choice of the new Pope
lay with eighteen Cardinals, divided into various groups for
national, political, or personal reasons, and divided also in
their own minds as to whether they should press for the
candidate whom they most desired, or direct their energies
solely to opposing him whom they most disliked.

Perhaps the most prominent member of the College
was Guillaume d'Estouteville, the powerful and wealthy
Cardinal of Rouen. In his Church of S. Maria Maggiore
the best music and the most eloquent preachers of the
day were to be heard, and his magnificent palace was
the centre of a brilliant and cultivated society. He had
a faithful supporter in the Cardinal of Avignon, and
of the possible candidates for the Papacy, he seemed, on
the whole, the most likely to succeed. Among the Italian
Cardinals, the Orsini and the Colonna each had their
representative in the College. Genoa was represented by
her Archbishop, Cardinal Fiesco, and Milan by ^Eneas's

THE PAPAL ELECTION 143

bete noire, the Cardinal of Pavia, a member of the ancient
family of Castiglione. Cardinals Barbo and Calandrini
were nephews of former Popes, while old Cardinal Tebaldo
was a protege of Calixtus in, being the brother of his
favourite physician. These, with ^Eneas — the Cardinal
of Siena, — made up a body that was numerically strong,
but which possessed little cohesion, and no very obvious
head. Calixtus in had taken care that the Spanish con
tingent should be large. His two nephews, Borgia and de
Mila, the Bishop of Zamora, and the Portuguese princeling,
Don Jayme, were all his creations. There were also two
Spaniards of older standing, Cardinal Cerdano, and the
theologian, Torquemada. The converts from the Greek
Church, Bessarion and Isidore of Russia, stood somewhat
apart from the rest, their eyes fixed on the East, and
only desirous of choosing a Pope who would place the
Crusade against the Turk in the forefront of his policy.

Such was the motley company which gathered in the
Vatican in the hot August weather, and it was difficult
to predict upon whom the choice of the Conclave would
fall. The situation was complicated by the fact that the
one person whom all parties would have supported had
died two days before. This was the learned and saintly
Cardinal Domenico Capranica, who had given ^Eneas his
start in life when he passed through Siena, twenty-seven
years earlier, and whose timely decease left the way
clear for his former secretary to ascend the throne of
S. Peter. Many of the Italian Cardinals, confronted by the
difficulty of agreeing upon another candidate, were inclined
to give a reluctant assent to the election of Estouteville, but
there were forces outside the College to be reckoned with.
To Ferrante, the new King of Naples, struggling to hold
his father's throne against rebel barons and Angevin
claimants, it was of the utmost importance to prevent the
choice of a Frenchman. A French Pope in Rome would
create a centre of Angevin influence on the borders of the
Neapolitan kingdom, and Ferrante was doing everything

144 POPE PIUS II

in his power to avert so great a misfortune. He was aided
by Francesco Sf orza, who was keenly alive to the danger of
French predominance in Italy. The measure of success
which their diplomacy had achieved can be gathered from
the report which the Milanese ambassador forwarded to
his master on the eve of the Conclave : " Although God has
shattered our designs by taking to Himself the most worthy
Cardinal of Fermo (Capranica), I have called reason to my
counsel in this great misfortune, and I hope, with God's
help, to bring matters to a satisfactory conclusion. I am
not without hope of Cardinal Colonna, but the Cardinal of
Siena seems to me more probable, seeing that all parties
are most inclined to agree upon his election, including the
envoys of King Ferrante." l

Before the Cardinals entered the Conclave, Domenico de'
Domenichi, Bishop of Torcello, preached to the assembled
College, taking as his text Acts i. 24, " Thou, Lord, which
knowest the hearts of all men, shew of these two the one
whom Thou hast chosen." Humanism had gained an
entry even into the proceedings of a Papal election, and all
the fire and eloquence of the new learning were thrown
into the Bishop's appeal to his hearers to consider the
gravity of their responsibility, and to choose a Pope wrho
would deal worthily with the great problems which lay
before him.2 After the sermon the members of the Con
clave spent the remainder of the day in settling in to their
new quarters. Separate cells were provided for the Car
dinals in a large hall of the Vatican, and there were corridors
where they could meet or walk about.3 The actual busi
ness of election took place in the Chapel of S. Nicholas,
where Fra Angelico's frescoes in their pristine glory smiled
upon the assembly.

17 August was devoted to the business of drawing up
the Capitulations, which each Cardinal swore to observe

1 Otto de Carretto to the Duke of Milan, 14 Aug. 1458 (Pastor, vol. iii.
Appendix I.).

2 Pastor, vol. iii. p. 8. 3 Commentarn, lib. i. p. 30.

THE PAPAL ELECTION 145

in the event of his becoming Pope. This attempt to bind
the Pope in embryo, before endowing him with unlimited
authority, dated, apparently, from the election of Boniface
viii.1 The actual Capitulations varied on each occasion,
and they had gained a new prominence from the conciliar
movement, which raised the whole question of the nature
of Papal authority and the place of the Cardinals in the
Constitution of the Church. If the Capitulations of 1458
had been strictly observed, they would have transformed
the Papacy from a monarchy into an oligarchy.2 The
Pope was pledged to prosecute the Crusade " according to
the counsel of his brothers the Cardinals," and to undertake
the reform of the Curia with their advice and help. He
might not move the Curia without their consent, or make any
ecclesiastical appointments, save to small and unimportant
benefices. With regard to the government of the States of
the Church, the consent of the Cardinals was declared neces
sary to the granting of fiefs, the declaration of war, and the
imposition of fresh taxes. An article which was entirely
new to the occasion required the Pope to make a monthly
allowance of a hundred ducats to every Cardinal whose
total income was under 4000 ducats. It is possible that
this demand for the Piatto Cardinalizio,3 as it came to be
called, was partly owing to the financial straits in which
the Cardinal of Siena so frequently found himself. The
weak point of the Capitulations lay, however, in the absence
of any power to enforce them upon an autocratic Pope.
It was decreed that the Cardinals should meet once a year
to inquire into their due observance, and that, if they found
that the Pope had failed in his duty, they should " ad
monish him in love " three times. Yet if the third admoni
tion did not produce the desired effect, no other remedy was
suggested, nor, indeed, was any remedy possible save an

1 Cf. Pastor, vol. i. p. 283.

2 Raynaldus, 1458 (Pius II, i.), Nos. 5-8 for text. Raynaldus, 1352,
No. 25, gives the Capitulations of the year 1352.

3 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. n.

IO

146 POPE PIUS II

appeal to a General Council, which the Cardinals considered
as dangerous and undesirable as did the Pope himself.

The preliminaries being accomplished, the real work of
the Conclave began, and after Mass the next morning the
first scrutiny was held.1 A golden chalice was placed on
the altar, and three Cardinals kept watch over it as the
rest advanced, one by one, to drop in the paper on which
they had recorded their vote. When the chalice was
emptied, it was found that the Cardinals of Siena and Bo
logna had each five votes, while no one else had more than
three. But the first scrutiny seldom represented more
than a preliminary testing of opinion, and after the Car
dinals had adjourned for breakfast, a series of conferences
began among the various groups, which continued through
out the day. " The richest and most powerful members
of the College," ^Eneas tells us, " summoned the others to
their side, and solicited the Apostolic See for themselves
or their friends. They entreated, they promised, they
threatened, and some threw aside all modesty and did not
blush to sound their own praises and set forward their own
claims to the Papacy." 2 Foremost in these intrigues was
the Cardinal of Rouen, who saw that both ^Eneas and
Calandrini were dangerous rivals, and therefore directed
his energies mainly towards undermining their position.
" But most of all he feared ^Eneas, holding his silence to be
far more formidable than the clamourings of the others." 3
" What is there in this man," he urged, " that makes you
consider him worthy of the Papacy ? Will you give us a
Pope who is poor and gouty ? How can a poor man relieve
the poverty of the Church, or one who is sick heal her dis
eases ? He has but lately come from Germany. How can
we tell that he will not transfer the Curia thither ? And
what does his learning signify ? Would you set a poet on

1 The account of the proceedings of the Conclave rests on the authority
of ,-Eneas. Cf. Commentavii, lib. i. pp. 30-2. The important passages
omitted from the printed edition but contained in the original MSS.
are given by Lesca, pp. 429-38, and by Cugnoni, pp. 784-9.

2 Lesca, p. 429 (MS. of Commentarii, lib. i.). 3 Ibid., p. 430.

THE PAPAL ELECTION 147

S. Peter's throne, and allow the Church to be ruled by the
precepts of heathen philosophy ? As to Philip of Bologna
(Calandrini), he is a thick-headed man who can neither
rule by himself nor profit by the advice of others. I, on
the other hand, am a Cardinal of senior standing ; you know
that I am not without wisdom or experience in ecclesiastical
affairs. I have royal blood in my veins. I abound in
friends and riches, and I am willing to use them in the cause
of the Church. I am in possession of not a few benefices,
and these I shall distribute among you on vacating them." l
So well did these tactics succeed that, when evening came,
Estouteville could reckon with tolerable certainty on eleven
votes. He only needed one more to obtain the requisite
majority of two- thirds of the Conclave. " When it was
seen that eleven had agreed, no one doubted that there
would soon be a twelfth, for, once matters had advanced thus
far, some one would certainly rise and say, * I will make you
Pope,' and so obtain favour." 2 Such was ^Eneas's view of
the situation, and the Cardinals retired to rest feeling that
the election was practically decided.

In the middle of the night yEneas was roused from his
slumbers by Cardinal Calandrini, who had come to give
him some friendly advice. Now that Estouteville's election
was assured, he urged his colleague to get up at once, and
go and offer his vote, so as to escape the unpleasant con
sequences of being out of favour with the new Pope.
" I know what it is like to have the Pope as an enemy,"
said the unfortunate Calandrini. " I experienced it under
Calixtus, who never turned a friendly eye upon me, because
I did not vote for him." But ^Eneas was fashioned after
a different pattern, and Calandrini's timid proposals only
roused his fighting instinct. " I reject your counsel,
O Philip," he exclaimed; "no one shall persuade me to
choose one whom I think unworthy to be the successor of
S. Peter. . . . The Pope cannot kill me if I do not vote
for him. ' But,' you say, ' he will not love you or succour

1 Lcsca, p. 430. 2 Ibid., p. 431

148 POPE PIUS II

you, and you will suffer poverty/ As to that, poor I have
lived and poor I can die. I shall not be deprived of the
Muses, who are kinder to those of slender fortune. More
over, I cannot believe that God will suffer His Bride the
Church to suffer ruin at the hands of Estouteville. . . .
To-morrow will show a Pope chosen, not by men, but by
God. You are a Christian ; take care that you do not choose
as Christ's Vicar him whom you know to be a limb of the
devil." i

This outburst of vehemence was the first step in a
determined effort on ^Eneas's part to rally the Italian
Cardinals in defence of their nation, and to defeat the
French conspiracy. As soon as day dawned he went to
his friend Borgia, and asked him why he had been so
short-sighted as to promise his vote to Rouen. " I con
sulted my own interests, and fell in with the majority,"
Borgia replied. " I have a written promise that I shall not
lose the Vice-Chancellorship. If I do not vote for Rouen,
others will elect him, and I shall be deprived of my office."
" Foolish youth ! " retorted^Eneas. " You have your promise,
but the Cardinal of Avignon will have the Chancery. What
is promised to you is also promised to him, and can you
doubt with whom faith will be kept ? " 2 .^Eneas next
sought the Cardinal of Pavia, and adapting his argument
to his hearer, appealed not so much to motives of self-
interest as to patriotism and family pride. He reminded
him that his revered uncle, Cardinal Branda Castiglione,
had been active in restoring the Papacy to Rome at the
time of the election of Martin v. Would the nephew
undo the uncle's work and help to transfer the Papacy
to France ? Whoever else might waver, he had never
doubted that Pavia would stand firm. He had been sadly
deceived in his opinion of him. Overcome by these re
proaches, Pavia explained amid tears and sighs that he had
given his word to Estouteville, and could not go back upon
it. "It has come to this, as far as I can see," replied .^Eneas,
1 Lesca, pp. 431-2. 2 Ibid,, p. 433.

THE PAPAL ELECTION 149

with bracing frankness : " whatever course you take, you
will be forced to play the traitor. It is for you to choose
whether you will betray your Church and country, or the
Cardinal of Rouen." l At this point, Cardinal Barbo
took up the task, and assembling the Italian Cardinals
in the Archbishop of Genoa's cell, he besought them " to
prove that they were men, to consider their mother the
Church and unhappy Italy, and, putting aside their own
rivalries, to choose an Italian Pope." Thereupon the
others proposed ^Eneas as their candidate, and, in spite of
his modest protests, it was decided to support him at the
morrow's scrutiny.

The next day all met once more in the Chapel of S.
Nicholas. Estouteville was one of the Cardinals in charge
of the chalice, and as our hero advanced to record his
vote, he whispered in his ear, " I commend myself to
you, ^Eneas." " Do you commend yourself to a worm
like me ? " 2 was the swift retort. When every one had
voted, the papers were taken one by one from the chalice,
and the names recorded on them read aloud.3 At the
conclusion Estouteville announced that the Cardinal of
Siena had eight votes, but iEneas had kept careful note of
the names as they were read out, and he bade him count
again. Estouteville was obliged to own himself mistaken
—the Cardinal of Siena had nine votes. Only three extra
votes were required to decide the election, and it was
resolved to proceed by the method of accession in order to
obviate the necessity of a fresh scrutiny. There followed
a few moments of breathless silence. " All sat still in their
places, with pale faces, as if rapt by the Holy Spirit. No
one spoke, no one opened his mouth or moved any part of
his body save his eyes, which rolled in every direction.
Wonderful indeed was the silence and strange the appear-

1 Lesca, pp. 433~5- * Ibid., p. 435.

3 Each Cardinal filled up his paper in the following form : " Ego
Petrus (sive Joannes sive alio nomine fuerit) in Romanam Pontificem
eligo Aeneam Cardinalem senensem " (Commentarii, p. 30).

150 POPE PIUS II

ance of the men from whom proceeded neither voice nor
movement." l Suddenly Cardinal Borgia rose to his
feet. " I accede to the Cardinal of Siena," he said, and
" his voice was like a sword in the heart of Rouen." 2 But
^neas had enemies in the Conclave, and among them was
Cardinal Torquemada, who had known him at Basel, and
had not forgiven the part which he played there. At this
point, Torquemada and Isidore of Russia tried to break
off the proceedings by leaving the Chapel ; but no one
followed them, and seeing that their device had failed,
they soon returned. As they did so old Cardinal Tebaldo
rose. " I also accede to him of Siena," he said; and the
suspense became as acute as if they had felt the shock of
an earthquake. At last Cardinal Colonna rose ; but as
he was about to speak, Estouteville and Bessarion seized
him on either side and tried to drag him forcibly from the
Conclave. Protesting and resisting, he cried out, " I too
accede to the Cardinal of Siena, and make him Pope."
In a moment all opposition was at an end, and the Cardinals
prostrated themselves at the feet of ^Bneas, the newly
elected Pontiff.3

After the election had been confirmed Bessarion spoke
in the name of the rival party, and assured ^Eneas that
their only objection to him was on the ground of his physical
infirmity. They felt that an active Pope was required in
order to prosecute the war against the Turk. " But God's
will is our will. He who has chosen you will supply what
is lacking in your feet, and pardon our ignorance." " You
think far better of us than we do of ourselves," ^Eneas
answered. " You confine our imperfections to our feet ; we
know that they extend further. We are conscious of in
numerable failings which might have caused our rejection,

1 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 30.

2 Lesca, p. 436 (MS. of Commentarii).

3 The nine Cardinals who voted for ^Eneas were Orsini, Calandrini,
Barbo, Fiesco, and Castiglione of the Italians ; De Mila, Don Jayme,
Cerdano, and Zamora of the Spanish party. The two Greeks, the two
Frenchmen, and Torquemada opposed him.

THE PAPAL ELECTION 151

and we know of no merits that fit us for this high office. . . .
We should not venture to accept the honour did we not
know that the action of two-thirds of the Sacred College
proceeds from the Holy Spirit, whom we must not disobey.
We honour you, and those who acted with you ; if you
thought us unworthy, you obeyed your conscience in refus
ing to vote for us. You will be all equally dear to us ; for
we do not ascribe our election to this person or that, but
to the whole College and to God Almighty, from whom
cometh every good and perfect gift." l Even at this crisis
of his life, the inborn gift of appropriate speech did not
desert him ; the Pontifical note rang out, clear and strong,
in the first words that he uttered.

The Cardinals proceeded to vest ££neas with the white
Papal tunic, and asked by what name he wished to be
called. " Pius," he answered, without hesitation. It
was not of the early Christian saint and martyr, Pope
Pius i, that he was thinking, but of Pius ^Eneas,
Vergil's hero, a fitting sponsor for a humanist Pope. In
this new name he signed the Capitulations : "I, Pius n,
promise and swear, by God's help, to observe all and each
of the above, as far as lies in my power, and as is consistent
with the honour and integrity of the Apostolic See." 2
Meanwhile the Cardinal's servants rushed to the new Pope's
cell, and appropriated their customary booty in the shape
of books, clothes, and money ; but of the last, remarks the
owner dryly, they found very little.3 The Roman mob
also suffered disappointment from the comparatively un
profitable results of the raid upon the Piccolomini palace ;
some persons, however, contrived to mistake the cry " II
Sanese " for " II Genovese," and plundered the palace of
the wealthy Cardinal Fiesco instead. Directly he had had
some food, Pius n went to S. Peter's, and having been
seated upon the high altar over the relics of the Apostles,

1 Commentaru, lib. i. p. 31.

2 Raynaldus, 1458 (Pius II, i.), No. 8.

3 Commentarii, lib. i. p. 31.

152 POPE PIUS II

he was installed on the Papal throne to receive the adora
tion of the assembled multitude.

So the fiercely contested election was decided, and all
patriotic Italians rejoiced at the result. " We were in
grave danger of having a French Pope," wrote Antonio da
Pistoia to the Duke of Milan, " and there were such in
trigues between Rouen and Avignon that it seemed almost
impossible that the Papacy should not fall to one of them.
God be praised that it has remained in Italy ! " 1 In
Rome, the old people, who had witnessed several Papal
elections, declared that they had never seen the city so
carried away by enthusiasm. Ferrante of Naples, breathing
a sigh of relief, hastened to send his heartfelt congratula
tions ; Borso d'Este ordered a three-days' holiday in Ferrara
to do honour to the occasion ; z Siena was almost beside
herself with pride and delight. The citizens of the fair
Tuscan Republic had been keeping their August festival
with terror in their hearts. King Alfonso's death, Fran
cesco Tomasio informs us, had left their arch-enemy, Picci-
nino, " unoccupied by any war-like enterprise," and he had
already threatened to expend his superfluous energies upon
the luckless Sienese.3 The Magistrates were debating the
advisability of buying off his attack, when all fears were
turned to rejoicing by the news that their own Bishop had
been elected Pope. Agostino Dati, the Secretary of the
Republic, has left a graphic account of the scenes of wild
festivity to which Siena abandoned herself.4 " Joy seized
the hearts of the people directly the news was made known."
Magistrates and private citizens, men and women, grown
people and children, all rejoiced together, and every bell in
Siena was set ringing. At night the whole city was illumi
nated, and the citizens feasted at public banquets with

1 Antonio da Pistoia -to Francesco Sforza, Rome, 21 Aug. 1458 (Pastor,
vol. iii. Appendix 3).

z Diario Ferrarese (Muratori, xxiv. p. 202). Borso also instituted a
special race for the polio, offering a piece of green damask as the prize.

3 Franciscus Thomasius, Historia Senensis (Muratori, xx. p. 56).

4 Agostino Dati, Opera, pp. 84-5 (Senis, 1503).

CORONATION OF PIUS II
ABOVE (LEFT) THE IMPERIAL EAGLE, (RIGHT) THE ARMS OF THE PEOPLE AND COMMUNE or SIENA

BELOW, THE CITY OF SIENA

HOOK COVER OF THE BICCHERNA, 1460

State A rchi-ves, Siena

THE PAPAL ELECTION 153

olive wreaths upon their heads. There was dancing in the
Piazza and singing in the streets; " it was as if the golden
age had returned." This first outburst of rejoicing was
followed by festivities of a more formal kind, which con
tinued without interruption until after Pius n's coronation.
On that day, 3 September, a solemn service was held in
the Duomo ; the Magistrates of the Republic attended in
state, and Agostino Dati delivered an oration in the Pope's
honour. The ceremonies concluded with a wonderful
representation of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin,
accompanied by music and recitations. In the final scene
Our Lady of Siena appeared in glory, wearing her crown,
while "devout voices commended her sweet city to Pope
Pius." 1 Meanwhile a splendid embassy, consisting of
eight members, and supported by over a hundred horse
men, made its way to Rome to bear the congratulations of
the Republic to her illustrious son. Almost the sole dissi
dent note, amid the general rejoicing, came from Florence.
Here, hatred of Siena was a far stronger sentiment than love
of Italy, and the Florentines could not bring themselves to
rejoice over the honour which had befallen the rival Re
public. " ^Eneas's election caused them much annoyance,
and when passers-by greeted them in the streets, and in
voked God's blessing upon them in the customary manner,
they answered bitterly, ' He is occupied with the Sienese,
and reserves all blessings for them.' " 2

And what was Pius n feeling, while his name was on
every lip, and his election was discussed through the length
and breadth of Europe ? To those who have attempted
to understand the mystery of his character, it does not
seem unnatural that, after all his wiles and struggles, he
should be filled with an overpowering sense of misgiving
at the thought of what lay before him. His was not an
ignoble ambition ; he coveted a high position, not for its
own sake, but as a means to fuller activity. Now that the

1 Agostino Dati, Opera, p. 85.

2 Lcsca, p. 438 (MS. of Commentarii, lib. i.).

154 POPE PIUS II

Papacy was actually his, the artist soul of him shrank
back in terror lest he should fail to fill the position worthily.
Merely to be Pope did not satisfy him. Had he the capacity
or the physical strength to be a great Pope ? This was
the question that perplexed his mind as his friends hung
round him, surprised and troubled that he did not appear
to share their happiness. ' Those who rejoice over so
exalted a position do not think of the toils and dangers/' he
said mournfully. " Now I must show to others all that I
have so often demanded of them." l

The situation which confronted the new Pope was
enough to daunt the bravest spirit. The death of King
Alfonso had upset the delicate equilibrium upon which
the peace of Italy depended, and there were signs of
trouble on all sides, both at home and abroad. Alfonso's
illegitimate son, Ferrante, had indeed succeeded in estab
lishing himself upon the Neapolitan throne, but his position
was precarious in the extreme. Calixtus in had refused to
recognise his accession, and, shortly before his death, had
claimed Naples as a Papal fief, in the hope of bestowing
the kingdom on his own nephew, Don Pedro Borgia.
Charles vii of France was pressing the claims of his cousin,
Rene of Anjou, and many of the Neapolitan barons were
only awaiting the opportunity to rise in support of the
Angevin cause. It was clear that Ferrante would not
maintain his throne without a struggle, and when it came
to fighting, what must be the attitude of the Pope ? Pius
was convinced that Ferrante's triumph would best serve
the interests of the Papacy in Italy, and personal feeling
for Alfonso's son also inclined him to this side. Yet to
support the Aragonese claimant would be to effect a revolu
tion in Papal policy, and he would do so at the risk of
offending France — in the present condition of ecclesiastical
politics, the chief power in Europe which it was necessary
for the Pope to conciliate. German neutrality had long
ceased to exist, but the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges

1 Campano, Pius II (Muratori, vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 974).

THE PAPAL ELECTION 155

still remained, a thorn in the flesh of the restored Papacy,
and one which Pius could only hope to extract by exer
cising the utmost tact and diplomacy in his dealings with
France. At the same time, the Neapolitan trouble reacted
upon the States of the Church, and Piccinino invaded the
Papal territories, seizing Assisi, Nocera, and Gualdo in
Ferrante's name. Many of the Papal fortresses were in
the hands of Catalan governors, appointed by Calixtus in,
and Pius n was obliged to buy these men out, at a heavy
price, in order to regain possession of the strongholds.
The Castle of S. Angelo itself was occupied by Don Pedro
Borgia until it was ransomed by the Cardinals for 20,000
ducats. Thus there was work enough for the Pope to do
in restoring order in his own dominions ; and, in the midst
of his numerous lesser cares, the cry of the suffering East
rang persistently in his ears. The Turks were advancing
steadily into Europe; whatever else he might do or fail
to do, the Crusade must occupy the first place in his
policy.

Faced by so vast and tangled a problem, it is not
surprising that Pius faltered. The noble and pathetic
Encyclical, in which he announced his accession to the
faithful throughout Europe, is not merely a literary pro
duction but a genuine expression of his feelings during these
first anxious days. He has been called, he says, " we know
not by what secret and dread decree," to the throne of
S. Peter. " Conscious that we possessed neither the ability
nor the strength of body to bear worthily so heavy a burden,
we pondered long over what we ought to do. But we believe
that the election of the Roman Pontiff proceeds, not from
man, but from Divine inspiration, which may not be re
sisted ; and we trust that He who, from the first foundation
of the Church, has chosen the weak of this world to con
found the strong, will endue us with His strength for the
work of government. Thus, in the spirit of humility,
desirous of acting rightly, and of serving rather than of
commanding, we have bowed our necks to the yoke of

156 POPE PIUS II

Apostolic servitude. . . . And we pray your devotion,
earnestly to entreat Almighty God that He will strengthen
us by His grace and direct our ways." 1

On 3 September, Pius n was crowned in S. Peter's by
Cardinal Colonna, and then rode in solemn procession to
the Lateran, the way being adorned by flags and banners,
painted for the occasion by Benozzo Gozzoli. Yet it was
noticed that the Pope looked careworn and sad in the
midst of his splendour, and his nerves were shaken by a
riot among the excited Roman populace which imperilled
his passage through the city. But at last all was safely
over, and Pius n took up his residence that same night in
the Vatican. Here, once more, energy of spirits triumphed
over physical infirmity, and he threw himself into his
great task with all his old fire and enthusiasm. No Pope
worked harder than he, no one composed so many of his
own Bulls or made so many speeches. Undaunted by
physical pain, from which he was rarely free, he went
gallantly on his way, and only an occasional biting of
the lip, or half-smothered exclamation, betrayed some
thing of what his efforts cost him. As to the issue of his
labours, the times in which he lived offered no scope
for a Gregory or an Innocent, and the warmest admirer
of Pius ii must agree with him in acknowledging that his
imperfections were not confined to his feet. Yet if he fell
short of actual greatness, it cannot be denied that he filled
his high position worthily. During the six years of his
Pontificate the throne of S. Peter was occupied by a man
with an ideal before him, an ideal which he strove per
sistently to realise.

1 Pius ii dilectis filiis universitati studii Parisiensis, 5 Sept. 1458
(Opera, Ep. 384, p. 859).

CHAPTER VIII
THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA

^ MONO the many cares which now took posses-
/ \ sion of the Pope's mind, none was greater than
J[ jLms desire to stir up Christian people against
the Turks, and to wage war upon them." x So wrote
Pius ii at the beginning of the second book of his Comment
aries ; and on the very day after his election he gave proof
of his zeal by summoning the Cardinals to a conference upon
the Eastern question. To the various envoys who visited
him during the next few weeks, it was evident that the
Turkish war occupied the first place in his thoughts. On
12 October he announced his intention of summoning a
Congress of Christian powers to Mantua,2 in order to make
plans for a Crusade. Few of the Cardinals welcomed the
idea of leaving their comfortable quarters in Rome for
what would probably prove to be a prolonged sojourn
in a strange city, and they were sceptical also as to the
advantage to be gained by a gathering of the kind. But
the Pope's promptitude had taken them by surprise ; for
very shame they could only praise his zeal and agree to his
proposals. The next day the Bull Vocavit nos Pius, sum
moning the Congress to Mantua on i June 1459, was read
in a public consistory. It was dispatched forthwith to
the rulers of Europe, great and small, accompanied by

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 33.

2 Udinc was also named as an alternative, but the Venetians feared
for their commercial relations with the Turk, and refused to allow the
Congress to be held in their territories. Cf. Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 42.

158 POPE PIUS II

special letters urging that envoys worthy of the occasion
might be chosen, and given full powers to negotiate upon
matters relating to the Crusade.1

In view of his German experiences, Pius n's fervent
belief in the efficacy of a European Congress is not alto
gether easy to understand. Yet the many abortive Diets
which he had attended had not quenched his humanist
faith in persuasion, and he was besides profoundly con
vinced of the virtue of his own office. He took comfort
from the thought that the Congress of Regensburg had
not been actively supported by Nicholas v, and promised
himself very different results when the Pope presided over
the Congress in person, and devoted all his efforts to ensur
ing its success.

From this time forward, preparations for the Pope's
departure occupied all thoughts in Rome. The citizens
were much disturbed at the prospect of the removal of the
Curia, and of the pecuniary loss which it would entail.
It was rumoured that the Congress of Mantua was a mere
pretext for transferring the Papacy to Siena, or even to
Germany, and Pius received numerous petitions urging
him to abandon the project. In order to lessen the
general discontent, he appointed Nicholas of Cusa, who had
just returned from Germany, Papal Vicar in Rome and
the Patrimony during his absence. Certain of the Car
dinals and other officials also remained behind, to carry on
the traditions of the Curia and to prevent the Romans
from feeling themselves deserted. Antonio Piccolomini had
already replaced Don Pedro Borgia as Governor of S.
Angelo, and the death of the latter, in December, further
helped to smooth the way of departure. It gave Pius
an opportunity of conciliating a powerful party in Rome
by appointing Antonio Colonna Prefect in Borgia's stead.2

1 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. pp. 24-5. The Bull is given in Epistolae, ed.
Mediol., Ep. i.

2 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. 28, and Infessura, Diario delta cittd di Roma
(Muratori, iii. pt. 2, p. 1138).

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 159

Th barons of the Campagna were summoned to the
Pope's presence to take a special oath of good behaviour,
and a treaty with Ferrante provided at least a temporary
solution of the Neapolitan problem. Pius agreed to
recognise Ferrante as de facto King of Naples, while
Ferrante on his side promised to pay an annual tribute,
and to recall Piccinino from the States of the Church.1
Thus when the year 1459 dawned, Pius felt that he could
leave Rome with a tolerably free mind. On 20 January
he left the Vatican en route for Mantua.

The journey to Mantua is the first of those progresses
through Italy which form so characteristic and attractive
a feature of Pius n's reign. In summer and winter, cold
and heat, the Papal cortege pursued its leisurely way. The
record of these wanderings fills the pages of the Com
mentaries, where Pius recalls the vivid impressions of light
and colour, city and landscape, scenes actually witnessed
and scenes painted by historical association, which he re
ceived throughout the course of his pilgrimages. When
the Pope left Rome on this occasion, winter reigned over
the Campagna, and the crowds of weeping citizens, who
accompanied him to the Ponte Molle, were too much for his
easily roused emotions.2 Yet in spite of the mournful sur
roundings, Pius was in buoyant spirits. He was profoundly
impressed with the consciousness of his divine mission, and
the prophets of evil, who foretold the total loss of the States
of the Church during his absence, left him unmoved. " God,
in whose cause we set forth, will deal with us more kindly,"
he replied to them. " And even if Divine mercy should
permit the loss you fear, we would rather be deprived of
our temporal possessions, which have been often lost and
often recovered, than suffer injury to our spiritual power,
which would be hard to restore if it were once weakened." 3
The change of scene, the open-air life, the enthusiasm with
which he was greeted everywhere, alike contributed to his

Raynaldus, 1458, Nos. 30-49.
1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 38.

a Ibid., p. 39.

i6o

POPE PIUS II

enjoyment. He felt that he was performing the clear duty
of the Pope in a suitable and dignified manner, and there
fore he was well content.

Pius passed the first night out of Rome as the guest of
the Orsini at Campagnano. The next day he crossed the
Tiber by a new wooden bridge, gay with ivy and ever
greens, and proceeded up the valley into Umbria. All
along the road crowds flocked to welcome him. Priests,
bearing the Host, invoked God's blessing upon his
enterprise. Boys and girls, with laurel crowns on their
heads and olive branches in their hands, came out to wish
him health and happiness. " They who could touch the
fringe of his garments held themselves blessed." l The
fair cities through which he passed — Narni, Terni, Spoleto,
Foligno — all donned their festal array to do honour to the
Head of Christendom. At Spoleto he had the pleasure of
spending four days with his sister Caterina, and from thence
he passed to Assisi, the city which is " ennobled by the
blessed Francis . . . who deemednothing richer than poverty."2
He was lodged in the fortress which Piccinino had made
over to the Papacy only a few days before, and he could
not but marvel that " a soldier of fortune should yield so
well fortified a place, and one so well adapted for disturbing
the peace of Italy ; he could only believe that it was the
work of Divine mercy, which had put fear into Piccinino's
heart lest the Congress of Mantua should be inter
rupted." 3

From Assisi, Pius crossed the Tiber valley to Perugia,
where he arrived on i February, the Vigil of the Feast of
the Purification. The great Guelf city had not received a
Papal visit for nearly seventy years,4 and she laid herself
out to entertain her guest royally. " Although winter
raged fiercely, the city was as gay as if spring had come." 5

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 41.

2 Ibid., p. 42. 3 Ibid., p. 42.

4 Not since Boniface ix fled from Perugia in 1393 (Campano : Muratori,
iii. pt. 2, p. 975). Cf. Heywood, Perugia, p. 279.
6 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 42.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 161

In the course of his three weeks' stay in Perugia, Pius conse
crated the Church of S. Domenico and ordered " a window
of exceptional greatness behind the high altar to be filled
with glass." x The Dominican Church, with its vast
window, is familiar to every visitor to Perugia, but few
realise its connection with Pius n. Meanwhile the Pope
was casting longing eyes in the direction of Siena. He
desired nothing more than to see his " sweet country "
again, but he felt himself debarred from visiting her, owing
to the quarrel which had already arisen between himself
and the Republic over the admission of the Monte dei
Gentiluomini to political power. Siena, however, was as
anxious to receive the Pope as he was to come, and the news
that he was about to visit the hated Florence proved too
much for her powers of resistance.2 An embassy was
dispatched to Perugia entreating the Pope to honour his
native city by his presence, and expressing the desire of
the Republic to meet his wishes with regard to the Gentiluo
mini. With a glad heart, Pius accepted the olive-branch
and turned his steps into Tuscany. His way lay across
Lake Trasimeno, which had lately been swept by storms,
and presented an angry and forbidding appearance to the
travellers. But when the Pope set foot on the vessel which
was to carry him to the Tuscan shore, " suddenly, as if by
Divine command, the waves were stilled, and the sea be
came as a beast that had been tamed." 3 All that night
and the following morning the calm continued, " and the
inhabitants marvelled greatly that Trasimeno, which is
stormy and intractable throughout the winter, should thus
make itself navigable for the Pope's voyage." 4 The next
few weeks were spent at Siena and Corsignano, where many
happy meetings took place, and many old ties were re
newed.5 So pleasantly did the days pass that it was not

1 Campano (Muratori, iii. pt. i, p. 975).

2 Franciscus Thomasius, Historia Senensis (Muratori, xx. p. 58).
8 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 43. 4 Ibid,, p. 44,

6 Cf. below, Chapter XII.
II

162 POPE PIUS II

until 23 April, nearly two months later, that Pius resumed
the road to Mantua.

Throughout the time that the Curia was in migration
the ordinary course of business went on unchecked.
Embassies and letters flowed in at every stage of the
journey, gradually making Pius familiar with the details
of his work, and enabling him to gather up the diverse
threads of Papal policy. At Perugia, the Pope's vassal,
Federico, Count of Urbino, came to do homage and to
take counsel about the war which he was waging upon that
unruly feudatory of the Church, Sigismondo Malatesta,
Lord of Rimini. To Siena came ambassadors from the
kings of Aragon, Hungary, and Bohemia and other
European powers, to offer obedience to the new Pope.
Now on the road between Siena and Florence, Sigismondo
Malatesta, having been beaten by Federico of Urbino,
sought the mediation and protection of his over-lord.
Other vassals of the Church also came to swell the Papal
cortege, and Pius made his entry into Florence in a litter,
carried by his attendant feudatories. Among them
walked Galeazzo Maria Sforza, the sixteen-year-old son
of the Duke of Milan, who had been sent by his father to
escort the Pope to Mantua. Pius was pleased with this
mark of attention, and could not say too much in praise of
the handsome, well-mannered, gifted boy. " It was indeed
astonishing to hear matured opinions coming from youthful
lips, and the thoughts of old age uttered by a beardless
youth." 1 Such was the humanist's comment upon Galeazzo 's
complimentary orations ; he delighted also in the boyish
grace with which Galeazzo sprang from his horse to kiss
the Pope's feet, and in the eagerness with which he put
his shoulder to the litter and insisted on taking his share
of work as a bearer.

When the procession reached the gates of Florence,
the magistrates of the Republic replaced the feudatories
as bearers, and carried Pius in state to the Duomo,
1 Commentarii, lib. ii. pp. 48-9,

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 163

At the sight of this queen among cities, in all the fairness
of her spring beauty, Pius forgot his Sienese prejudices,
and paid ungrudging tribute to the glories of Florence.1
The Duomo, the Baptistery of S. Giovanni, the Palazzo
della Signoria, the Arno with her stately bridges, the
villas "full of delights," smiling down from the encircling
hills, each in turn made their appeal to him. Above all,
he reverenced Florence as the home of famous men. In
the city of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and their illustrious
followers, the humanist Pope, even though he were a son
of Siena, felt that he was treading on holy ground. Pius
evinced much interest in the uncrowned monarch of
Florence, Cosimo dei Medici, but he had no opportunity
of intercourse with him. Whether from political motives
or through genuine illness, Cosimo kept his bed throughout
the Pope's visit.2

From Florence Pius made his way across the steep
passes of the Apennines to find a less pleasant resting-
place in the turbulent city of Bologna.3 This hotbed of
faction was a perpetual source of trouble to her nominal
suzerain the Pope, and Pius's visit, on this occasion, was
only made possible by the Duke of Milan, who sent a force
of cavalry to keep the peace during his sojourn within the
city. The sight of the Milanese soliders guarding the
streets gave Pius a feeling of insecurity which he never
lost until the time came for his departure. So electrical
was the atmosphere that, when the city-orator embellished
his address of welcome with remarks more true than tactful
on the evils of civil strife, the citizens insisted on his exile.
It was with considerable relief that Pius quitted Bologna,
and passed to the splendours which waited him at Borso
d'Este's Court at Ferrara. The Pope's friendship with the
Lord of Ferrara dated from Frederick m's Italian ex
pedition, when Borso had gratified ^Eneas by claiming him
as a kinsman. Borso now hoped to profit by this old

1 Cowimentarii, lib. ii. pp. 49-51. a Ibid., p. 50.

8 Ibid,, pp. 54-6. Cf. also Pastor, vol. iii. p. 56.

164 POPE PIUS II

intimacy to obtain the ducal title from his suzerain ;
therefore he spared no pains upon the entertainment of
his guests. The Pope was lodged in the Este palace, while
the Cardinals were provided for among the Ferrarese
nobility. The chief lords of Romagna also came to
Ferrara for the occasion, and all alike were entertained
at Borso's expense throughout their stay in the city.1
Needless to say, Pius took the keenest pleasure in the
round of festivities provided for him, and perhaps most
of all he enjoyed his conversations with the two veteran
humanists Guarino and Aurispa.2 But, in the midst of
his enjoyment, he contrived to parry his host's importunity,
and to leave Ferrara without committing himself upon the
question of the ducal title.

The long and varied progress was drawing to its close.
On 25 May, Pius embarked upon Borso's sumptuously
equipped vessel and sailed up the Po towards Mantua ;
meanwhile the Marquis of Mantua's ship plied alongside,
ready to receive the traveller from the moment of his
entering Mantuan territory. The banks were lined with
eager spectators, the valleys rang with the sound of
trumpets, and the stately procession of boats, with banners
fluttering in the breeze, made the river seem like a forest.3
Pius passed the night of 26 May in the immediate vicinity
of Mantua, and on the following morning he made his
solemn entry into the city. At the head of the procession
rode three of the Cardinals, followed by twelve white,
riderless horses with golden saddles and bridles. After them
were carried three banners, one bearing the Cross, another
the keys of the Church, and the third the arms of the
Piccolomini. Behind walked the clergy of Mantua, and
then came another white horse, carrying the Host in a
golden box surrounded by lighted candles. A goodly
company of nobles and ecclesiastics preceded the Pope,
and last of all came the little, bent figure, resplendent in

1 Diario Ferrarest (Muratori, xxiv. pp. 202-4).

z CommentaYii, lib. ii. p. 57. 3 Ibid., p. 58,

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 165

purple and jewels, the centre of the magnificent throng.
" The Holy Father is a little, rosy man, with red rims
to his eyes, about sixty years of age. ... He is gouty
and cannot walk, so that he is obliged to be carried." 1
Such is the verdict of the Mantuan chronicler who watched
the Pope make his entry into the city " in great triumph,"
and pass through the flower-bedecked streets to the lodgings
prepared for him in the Gonzaga palace.

The Mantuans, says Pius, " are a most courteous people,

loving hospitality," 2 and nothing could exceed the

enthusiasm of their welcome. Lodovico Gonzaga, the

cultivated Marquis, was proud of the honour done to his

little State, and, as the pupil of Vittorino da Feltre and

the patron of Mantegna, he recognised a kindred spirit

in the humanist Pope. His German wife, Barbara of

Brandenburg, was also prepared to offer a cordial reception

to one so closely connected with her home and friends.

With her was Bianca Maria Sforza, Duchess of Milan, and

her charming children, who had come to Mantua in order

to greet the Pope on his arrival. On the day after Pius n's

entry these ladies paid him a ceremonial visit, and Ippo-

lita Sforza, a girl of fourteen, delivered an elegant Latin

oration, which pleased the Pope as much as her brother's

performance had done at Florence a few weeks before.

" A goddess could not have spoken better," is the

comment of one of the Cardinals who heard her.3 The

courtesy and enthusiasm of his hosts did much to obscure

the fact that no foreign princes or ambassadors were

present to meet the Pope. He had reached Mantua five

days before his time. For the moment he could rest

content with his own achievement, and trust that the

Congress of Mantua might yet become the epoch-making

gathering which his imagination pictured.

1 Schivenoglia, Cronaca di Mantova, p. 135 (Raccolta di cronisti e
documenti storici Lombardi inediti, vol. ii. Milano, 1857).

2 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 58.

3 Scarampo to F. Strozzi, Mantua, 2 June 1459. Cf. Pastor, vol. iii.
p. 60.

166 POPE PIUS II

On i June, High Mass in the Duomo opened the proceed
ings of the Congress. At the conclusion of Mass Pius
showed by a sign from the throne that he wished to address
the assembled multitude. In a weak, faltering voice he
began by expressing his deep disappointment at finding so
small a company present to meet him at Mantua. " We
had hoped, brethren and sons, to find many envoys of
kings when we came to this town. Few are here, and we
see that we were mistaken ; the devotion of Christians to
their religion is not as great as we believed." Yet the
Pope, who in spite of age and sickness had " despised the
Apennines and the winter," was not prepared to yield at
the first sign of defeat. He had resolved to remain at his
post so long as there was any hope of fresh arrivals, and he
begged those already at Mantua to pray that the powers of
Christendom might yet be moved to send representatives
to the Congress. " If they come, we will consult with them
over the Commonwealth ; if not, we shall be obliged to
return home, and to bear the lot which God sends us. We
will never desert the defence of the Faith so long as life
and strength remain to us ; nor shall we falter if we are
required to lay down our life for the sheep." l

So began the weary weeks of waiting, a time of severe
trial to anyone of Pius's eager, impatient disposition. He
spent the long days in composing letters, of ever increasing
urgency, which went out from Mantua to every corner of
Europe, imploring Christian powers to attend the Con
gress. " We expected the princes to come hither, or at
least to send their envoys if they could not come them
selves, and we are greatly astonished that none have
arrived." 2 So wrote Pius to the Bishop of Eichtstadt.
To the city of Bologna he wrote : " Again and yet again we
exhort you in the Lord, and straitly charge you to neglect

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 60. Cf. also Mansi, Pius II Orationes, vol. ii.
p. 206.

2 Pius ii to John, Bishop of Eichtstadt, 31 May 1459 (Pastor, vol. iii.
Appendix n).

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 167

your duty no longer," 1 and a week later to the Duke of
Savoy, " Up to the present day we have not ceased to
expect the envoys which you have so long promised to
send." 2 But his pleading fell on deaf ears. The
Christian powers regarded the Crusade as an excellent
cause, which had their heartfelt approval, but for which
they were not prepared to make sacrifices. They wished
to avoid attending the Congress, lest their approval should
involve practical consequences, and they should find them
selves committed to an expensive foreign war in which
they had no personal interest. As early as January 1459,
the Emperor had made up his mind not to come to Mantua,
and the envoy who bore his excuses gave a variety of
reasons which made it necessary for Frederick to remain
at home. Pius, however, was accustomed to dealing with
Frederick in. " Your answer . . . meets neither our ex
pectations nor the necessities of the case," he retorted.
" If you stay away, there is no one who will not think
himself sufficiently excused. For the honour of the
German nation, for the glory of your name, for the welfare
of the Christian religion ... we entreat you to recon
sider the matter and to incline your mind towards attend
ing the Congress." 3 Knowing the Emperor as he did, it is
hard to believe that Pius ever thought he would come to
Mantua in person, but he probably hoped that plain-
speaking might frighten the timid Emperor into sending
a distinguished embassy. Great was his vexation when the
Imperial embassy arrived headed by three Court officials,
the Bishop of Trieste, Johann Hinderbach, and Heinrich
Senftleben. They were excellent and capable men in their
way, and the two last were personal friends of the Pope,
but they possessed neither the rank nor the influence
which would enable them to speak with weight at

1 Pius II to Bologna, 28 July 1459 (Pastor, vol. iii. Appendix 17).

2 Pius ii to Louis of Savoy, 6 Aug. 1459 (Pastor, vol. iii. Appendix 20).

3 Pius ii [to Emperor Frederick in, 26 Jan. 1459 (Pastor, vol. iii.
Appendix 5).

i68 POPE PIUS II

the Congress. Pius flatly refused to acknowledge them
as the Emperor's representatives at Mantua, and wrote
to demand that more honourable ambassadors should be
sent in their place. His letter to Frederick in was couched
in less stinging words than the Commentaries would have
us believe, but it was sufficiently indicative of his dis
pleasure. "It is small honour to you," he wrote, " that,
in so high a cause, your envoys should not yet be here. . . .
We exhort you to send ambassadors with full powers, and
of such rank that they can represent your person worthily
at this Congress. . . . Those whom you have already sent
to us see clearly that they are not fitted for such a task
and are gladly returning to you." 1 After five months of
waiting, the Pope's persistency was rewarded by the arrival
of the Margrave Charles of Baden and two Bishops to act
as the Emperor's representatives. Other princes followed
the Imperial lead, and before the end of the year a respect
able contingent of German ambassadors was gathered in
Mantua. Yet it soon transpired that all these envoys
treated the essential object of the Congress as a matter of
secondary importance. Dragged to Mantua by the Pope's
pertinacity, they seized the opportunity for airing their
own grievances against the Papacy, and for furthering
their own interests. The attitude of the Germans is
typical of that of other nations. The Congress of Mantua
was never a Congress in the true sense of the word. It was,
rather, a succession of embassies from Italian and ultra
montane powers to the Pope at Mantua. Coming at the
beginning of Pius n's pontificate, it was a valuable intro
duction to the details of European policy in their relation
to the Papacy, and it did much to make him deal with them
successfully. Yet, as a Congress on the Eastern question, it
was almost as great a failure as its forerunner of Regensburg.

1 Pius ii to Frederick in, I June 1459 (Voigt, vol. iii. p. 50). Cf. also
Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 65, and Pastor, vol. iii. pp. 63 seq. Apparently
the Bishop of Trieste and his colleagues remained at Mantua as Imperial
agents in spite of what was said about their departure.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 169

Some weeks elapsed before even these half-hearted em
bassies began to struggle into Mantua. Meanwhile Pius
had to cope with the clamours of the Eastern envoys who
thronged his palace, piteously demanding aid against the
Turk, and with the murmurs of the Cardinals, many of
whom were only anxious to find an excuse for returning to
Rome. " The place was marshy and unhealthy," they com
plained, " the heat was raging, there was no good wine or
food to be had, many people were ill with fever, and soon
there would be many dead ; there was nothing to be heard
but the croaking of frogs." 1 Chief among the grumblers
was Cardinal Scarampo, who went about " among his
household, and even in the circle of the prelates, declaring
that the Pope's schemes were childish, and that he showed
little experience or prudence in leaving Rome and wander
ing among strange hosts, thinking to move kings to war by
his exhortations and to destroy the invincible forces of the
Turk " 2 Ere long Scarampo betook himself to Venice,
where he did his best to prejudice the Venetians against the
Crusade. Old Cardinal Jacopo Tebaldo, also, waxed elo
quent over the Pope's folly in coming to Mantua and putting
money into the pockets of strangers while his own Romans
were left in poverty. " How true is the popular saying
that it is the worst wheel of a chariot which creaks the
loudest ! " is Pius's comment upon his detractor. " Jacopo
did not attain to the Cardinalate on his own merits but on
those of his brother, who was the doctor of Pope Calixtus." 3

In spite of discouragement and disapproval the Pope
stuck to his post, and in the end his perseverance did not
go unrewarded. Many powers had doubted whether he
would really come to Mantua, and had postponed the
question of sending envoys until after his arrival. Others
had procrastinated, in the hope that the Pope would grow
tired of waiting and that the news of his departure would
rid them of an irksome duty. But the Pope's staying

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 61.

2 MS. of Commentarii, lib. iii. ; Cugnoni, p. 195. 3 Loc. cit.

170 POPE PIUS II

powers were stronger than those of the princes. On the
i8th of August l the monotonous spell of waiting was
broken by the arrival of an embassy from the Duke of
Burgundy. A brilliant company, headed by the Duke's
nephew John of Cleves, and Jean de Croy, had entered
Italy a week or two earlier, amid " very great rain, and hail
like stones falling from heaven." 2 Francesco Sforza met
the envoys outside Milan and conducted them to the
splendid apartments which he had prepared for them in
his palace, " with a good fire to revive them, which was
indeed a welcome sight." 3 So agreeably were the
Burgundians entertained that it was some time before they
left Milan for Mantua. When at last they arrived at their
destination, John of Cleves refused to discuss the Crusade
until he had obtained satisfaction in a matter at issue
between himself and the Archbishop of Cologne. The
town of Soest having rebelled against the Archbishop,
Pius ii had issued an admonition to the citizens to return
to their rightful allegiance. But John had taken Soest
under his protection, and demanded that the admonition
should be withdrawn. "The matter so fell out that it
was necessary either to forsake the path of justice for the
time being, or to dissolve the Congress before it had
accomplished any work. For if Cleves departed in anger
many others would not come to the Congress, but would
greedily seize the opportunity for remaining at home.
The Pope was anxious, and uncertain what to do ; it was
grievous to him to deny justice to those who asked it of
him, yet he considered it less dangerous to suspend justice
than to leave the Catholic Faith undefended. . . . He
therefore withdrew the admonition, to satisfy Cleves,
and promised Cologne to renew it after these matters
relating to the Faith had been concluded." 4 So the

1 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. 71.

2,Matthieu de Coussy, Chronique, p. 216 (Choix de Chroniques et
Memoires sur I'histoire de France, ed. Buchon, vol. viii.).

3 Op. cit., p. 217. 4 CommentaHi, lib. iii. p. 68.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 171

temporalities of the Archbishop were sacrificed to the
crusading cause, but, even after this concession, Cleves
was loath to commit himself to any promises of aid.
After much negotiation, he at last agreed that Burgundy
should send 2000 horse and 4000 foot into the field. Then,
to the great disappointment of the Pope, he and his
colleagues left Mantua, regardless of Pius's entreaties
that they should remain to confer with the other embassies,
whose arrival he was daily expecting.

The next episode in the history of Pius n's sojourn at
Mantua began with the arrival of Francesco Sforza. One
day in September a sumptuous fleet of forty-seven vessels
sailed up the Mincio, and crowds turned out to gaze upon
the soldier-Duke who had made all Italy ring with the
fame of his exploits. Pius was delighted to see Sforza
again and to renew the friendship which had been begun,
ten years before, in the camp outside Milan. The Duke
was fast approaching his sixtieth year, yet " he rode like
a youth," and seemed to the Pope to be in every way
worthy of his high position.1 Sforza' s coming was of real
value to the Congress, and the ceremony of his reception
was made as impressive as possible. Pius n's former
master, Francesco Filelfo, acted as spokesman for the
Duke, and the Pope himself made the answering oration,
in which he called Filelfo " the Attic Muse," and extolled
Sforza as a true Crusader — a model for all Christian
princes.2 For all that, it had necessitated considerable
pressure on the Pope's part to bring Sforza to Mantua,
and it may be doubted whether he would have come at all,
had it not been for his anxiety to secure Pius n finally for
the cause of King Ferrante in Naples. Sforza was ready
enough to give the Pope a little encouragement in his
laudable endeavour to drive the Turk from Europe, if by
so doing he could obtain Papal aid in keeping the French
out of Italy.

The news that the Duke of Milan was in Mantua roused

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 72. 2 Ibid., p. 73.

172 POPE PIUS II

the Italian powers to action. Envoys from Florence,
Venice, Genoa, and other States at last made their appear
ance, and the Sienese ambassador could report that
he found himself in "a fair Mantua . . . adorned by
the presence of many Bishops, Lords, Ambassadors, and
Courtiers." 1 On 26 September, nearly four months after
the opening of the Congress, the first formal sitting was
held. A Mass of the Holy Spirit was sung in the Duomo,
in the presence of " a very great number of people of
every nation," and at its conclusion the Pope delivered
" a long and most elegant oration which lasted for the
space of two hours." 2 Many feared that the Pope's voice
would not be equal to the strain, but enthusiasm carried
him triumphantly over physical disabilities. " Although
he was suffering at that time from a grievous cough, he
was so aided by Divine power that he did not cough once,
or experience the slightest hindrance in speaking." 3 This
oration ranks among the best and most famous of Pius
n's rhetorical efforts. All his deep sympathy with the
Eastern Christians, all his learning, all his oratory, were
thrown into his impassioned utterances. He appealed
in turn to the pride, to the pity, and to the ambition of his
hearers, determined to leave no note unsounded that might
awaken a responsive thrill in the hearts of the people.
To Pius, all on fire with zeal for the holy cause, it seemed
almost impossible that his audience should remain cold.
As he looked down upon the crowded Cathedral his
thoughts flew from the hard Renaissance world to the
bygone ages of faith. He remembered the inspired
gathering at Clermont, four centuries earlier. " Would
that there were here to-day," he cried, " Godfrey or
Baldwin, Eustace, Hugh the Great, Bohemund, Tancred,
and others who, in past days, won back Jerusalem. They

1 Dispatch of N. Severino, 25 Sept. i45g^(Pastor, vol. iii. p. 75).

2 Francesco Sforza to his wife, Mantua, 26 Sept. 1459 (cf. Pastor,
vol. iii. Appendix 27, from Archivio di Stato, Milano).

3 Commentavii, lib. iii. p. 82.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 173

would not have suffered us to speak so long, but rising
from their seats, as once they did before our predecessor
Urban n, they would have cried with glad voice, ' Deus lo
vult, Deus lo vult ! ' " 1

" If an appreciation of eloquence had borne any practical
fruit, the Turk would soon have been driven back into
Asia." 2 Many praised the Pope's speech, but few were
prepared to act upon his exhortations. On the following
day a conference was held upon the ways and means of
carrying out the war. Here the tedious haggling over
details and the reluctance of the envoys to commit them
selves to any definite scheme contrasted sadly with the
stirring scenes of the day before. Sforza, like most old
soldiers, was always pleased to give advice on military
questions. At his suggestion it was agreed that Hungary
and other countries on the Turkish border should provide
troops for the Crusade, Italy and other more distant States
supplying the money. The Venetians pronounced that
thirty galleys and eight smaller vessels should suffice for
the naval operations, and Pius summed up the discussion
by saying that some 50,000 troops would be required, which
could be paid for by a tax of a tenth on the revenues of the
clergy, a thirtieth on those of the laity, and a twentieth on
all the possessions of the Jews, to be levied for three years
in succession. " All approved of the Pope's decision," 3
but, when Pius tried to make the various representatives
sign the proposals, it was soon seen that the scheme was
theoretical rather than practical. The Florentines had to
be won over by a separate agreement, and the Venetians
flatly refused to sign, except on conditions that were ob
viously impossible. Meanwhile, the Duke of Milan felt
that he had done his duty by the Congress, and was anxious
to depart. On 3 October he left Mantua, the other envoys
began to melt away, and Pius could only make the best of

1 Mansi, Pii II Orationes, vol. ii. p. 9. Cf. also Opera, Ep. 397.
a Creighton, History of the Papacy, vol. iii. p. 224.
* Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 84.

I74 POPE PIUS II

the small result which he had obtained. Outwardly he
maintained a brave face, but in a letter to Carvajal he
reveals his bitter disappointment. " To confess the truth,"
he writes, " we do not find such zeal in the minds of
Christians as we hoped. We find few who have a greater
care for public matters than for their own interests." x t

In the middle of October Pius took a brief holiday, in
which he stayed at the venerable sanctuary of S. Maria
delle Grazie, five miles outside Mantua. A record of his
visit is preserved in the life-size effigy which has its place
in the remarkable series of statues of famous men who have
visited the Church.2 His companions now urged that he
had done all that was possible at Mantua, and that the time
had come to return to Rome. But Pius was determined
to await the arrival of the French and German embassies,
and after four days he was back at his post.

Before the end of the month the envoys of Archduke
Albert of Austria, the Emperor's brother, reached Mantua.
Save for the Emperor's discredited representatives, they
were the first Germans to appear at the Congress, but the
Pope's pleasure in their arrival was spoiled by the sight of
his old enemy, Gregory Heimburg. When the envoys had
an audience with the Pope, Gregory acted as their chief
spokesman. It was unnecessary, he began, for him to
sound the praises of the house of Hapsburg. Had not
" the famed and laurel- crowned ^Eneas" won the highest
praise for an oration on the subject on an earlier occasion ?
For himself, he would be content " with dry words and
ungarnished speech."3 Heimburg was even rude enough
to keep his hat on during the audience. He must be ex
cused, he said, from uncovering his head, for, if he did so,
the cold would spoil the effect of his oration. This act of

1 Raynaldus, Annales, 1459, No. 78.

2 Pius n's statue bears the following inscription : —

"Dopo le cure dolorosi e gravi,
Chiuso il concilio, il successor di Piero,
A te porge Maria ambe le chiavi."

3 Voigt, vol. iii. pp.J77 seq.t from Cod. msc. lat. 522, fol. 156, 161, Munich.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 175

discourtesy and the thinly veiled sarcasm of his words
were proof that Heimburg had come to Mantua intending
mischief. Throughout his stay he was " a sower of much
discord." 1 Convinced himself of the Pope's duplicity,
he contrived to foster the opinion that the Crusade was
a mere pretext for raising money, and the failure of the
German envoys to arrive at any common understanding
was largely his work. He also helped to create ill-feeling
between Pius and his former pupil Sigismund, Duke of
Tyrol, who came to Mantua in order to refer a private
quarrel with the Bishop of Brixen to the Pope's judgment.
Heimburg introduced Sigismund to the Papal presence in
a speech which contained covert allusions to discreditable
episodes in the Pope's earlier life, when the Emperor's
Italian secretary had aided the youthful Sigismund in his
love adventures. The name of ^Eneas, he said, was deeply
imprinted on Sigismund's mind " by sweet-sounding poems
and by many unforgettable letters," and he rejoiced to
think that such a "jewel of eloquence" adorned the Apos
tolic See. 2 The outcome of the interview was that
Sigismund and the Pope parted from each other sore and
angry, and that the Brixen quarrel dragged out its weari
some course during the greater part of Pius n's pontificate.
By the time that Heimburg left Mantua he was amply
avenged for the mortifications which he had endured in
the summer of 1446, when he paced restlessly over Monte
Giordano beneath the malicious eye of ^Eneas Silvius.

With regard to the Crusade, the utmost that Pius
could obtain from the Germans was a renewal of the
promises made at former Diets. All details were left to
be settled by representatives of the German nation and the
Papal Legate, in conference at Niirnberg.3 Cardinal
Bessarion, one of the few whole-hearted supporters of the
Pope's crusading policy, was appointed Legate for this

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 90.

2 Voigt, iii. pp. 100 seq., from the Munich MS. (Cod. lat. 522, fol. 61).

3 Raynaldus, Annales, 1459, No. 72, and 1460, No. 18,

176 POPE PIUS II

purpose, and Pius set a seal upon the deliberations by
nominating the Emperor as general of the crusading army.
The phlegmatic Frederick could hardly be considered as an
ideal Crusader, but he was empowered to appoint some
other prince in his stead, and the man upon whom Pius had
set his heart was Albert Achilles of Brandenburg. Pius
had long been urging Albert's attendance at the Congress,
and his arrival in Mantua, at the close of 1459, shed a lustre
over the final proceedings. Albert's manners had im
proved since the days when he had shocked ^Eneas's sense
of decorum by bursting in upon the Emperor at Neustadt,1
and, as the head of the Imperial party in Germany, he was
anxious to be on good terms with the Pope. Many were
his protestations of zeal for the Holy War, to which Pius
replied by hailing him as " the German Achilles " and
bestowing on him a consecrated sword with which to do
battle against the Turk.2

In midst of these somewhat profitless negotiations
with the Germans, a French embassy at last arrived in
Mantua. From the point of view of the Crusade the
Pope's deliberations with the French were as unsatisfactory
as all the proceedings of the Congress, but in matters
nearer home he achieved a success which did much to
strengthen his position in Europe. Two facts accounted
for the strained relations which existed between the Pope
and the French king. On the one hand, the Pragmatic
Sanction of Bourges still remained in force, a standing
menace to the Pope's authority over the Church in
France. On the other hand, the Pope had defied the
claims of the French prince, Rene of Anjou, by acknow
ledging Ferrante of Aragon as King of Naples. Thus
all parties were in a state of nervous apprehension when
the French embassy rode into Mantua on 14 November.
Pius feared that the French would throw down the
gauntlet by refusing to make the customary obedience to
the new Pope, and the French on their side were equally
1 Cf, above, p. 124, z Commentary , lib. iii. p. 91.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 177

uncertain of the reception which would be accorded to
them.1

To the relief of every one, the first audience passed
off without a hitch, and the obedience of the French
nation was proffered amid a great display of oratory on
the part of the Bishop of Paris and of the Pope.2 But the
crux of the situation was reached on 30 November, when
the French envoys came before the Pope to plead the
cause of Rene of Anjou. The Bailli of Rouen was the
spokesman of France, and he dwelt upon the services
rendered by his nation to the Apostolic See, in return for
which, he said, " Pius had spurned the noble blood of the
Lilies, and had preferred that of Aragon." 3 Now he
called upon the Pope to annul his " unjust and ill-
considered " investiture, and to exalt the rightful heir,
Rene of Anjou, to the throne of Naples. Pius was thus
forced to declare himself, but he refused to reply until he
had consulted the Cardinals, and eventually postponed
his answer for several days on the plea of ill-health. The
French regarded this as a mere excuse for gaining time,
but Pius tells us that he was " seized by severe pain in
the stomach and by a racking cough." 4 At last, " weak
and oppressed with bitter pain, the Pope left his bed
chamber for the audience hall, and seated himself upon
his throne, pale and anxious." As he began to speak
his strength revived, and the words flowed from his lips.
He " sang the praises of the French far better than the
Bailli," and explained that, in investing Ferrante, he had
merely recognised the status quo, expressly safeguarding
the rights of Anjou.5 Then, by a clever stroke of

1 Cf. Nicholas Petit (D'Achery, Spicilegium, vol. iii. pp. 806 seq.) :
" Croy que nostre dit Saint Pere aura matiere pour lever les oreilles.
Plusieurs de Messieurs les Cardinaulx qui encores ne savent reflect de la
matiere font doubte de Tissue."

2 Commentarii , lib. iii. p. 86; Mansi, Orationes, vol. ii. p. 31. An
alternative oration which the Pope had prepared in the event of the
French not proffering obedience is to be found in Mansi, vol. ii. p. 219.

3 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 87. * Loc. cit.
6 Loc. cit,, and Mansi, vol. ii. pp. 40 seq.

12

178 POPE PIUS II

diplomacy, he turned the subject, and raised the whole
question of the Pragmatic Sanction. The French King
complained of the Pope's action in Naples, but the Pope's
grievance against the French was far greater. They had
promulgated a law against the Apostolic See which hung
like thick darkness over the land and imperilled the souls
of the people. In vain the ambassadors strove to defend
themselves. ''' They employed no argument that the
Pope did not promptly dissipate ; ashamed, confused, and
silent, they showed that they were vanquished." l The
Cardinals were filled with delight at this vigorous champion
ship of the rights of the Papacy. " Never," they said,
" in the memory of our fathers, have words been spoken
so worthy of a Pope." Pius, meanwhile, returned
cheerfully to his bed-chamber, to find that he had made
a complete recovery ; " the warmth of his oration had
driven all cold from his body." 2

When the French and German embassies had come
and gone, Pius n's business at Mantua was well-nigh
completed. All that remained was to put the coping-
stone upon his work. On 18 January 1460 he published
the Bull Execrabilis, which condemned the practice of
appealing from the Pope to a future General Council as
an " execrable abuse, unheard of in former times." All
such appeals were pronounced invalid, and any person
who made or in any way promoted them was declared
excommunicate.3 The Bull Execrabilis was a strange
edict to emanate from a former champion of the Conciliar
movement. But Pius had learned, by bitter experience,
what abuses appeals to a future Council could be made
to serve. He knew that the Conciliar movement was
dead, and that its principles had become mere instru
ments of obstruction in the hands of a self-seeking op
position. Thus he seized the opportunity to strengthen
the monarchical constitution of the Church, and to

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 88. 2 Ibid., p. 87.

3 Ibid., pp. 91-2 ; Raynaldus, 1460, No. 10.

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 179

vindicate the Papal authority. By this means alone could
he hope to realise the aims of the Congress of Mantua,
and to unite Christendom beneath the crusading banner.

The Congress of Mantua closed, as it had begun, with
High Mass in the Cathedral. At the conclusion of the
service, Bulls were read decreeing a three years' Crusade
against the Turk, and ordering prayers for its success
to be offered every Sunday in all Christian churches.
Indulgences were granted to all who took part in the
Crusade for eight months, or who paid and equipped a
soldier for the same period; decrees were also published
embodying the schemes for raising money which had
been passed at the September session.1 Then, in a farewell
speech, Pius summed up the results of the Congress.2
" We confess," he said, " that all that we hoped has not
been achieved, yet neither has all been left undone . . .
nay, far more has been done than was prophesied by
many." After exhorting the faithful to do their utmost,
and to leave the rest in God's hands, he left the Papal
throne, and kneeling before the high altar, chanted,
amidst tears and sighs, a Litany which he had arranged
for the occasion. The whole body of clergy devoutly
responded, and the Litany ended with a solemn prayer
for God's blessing upon the Crusade —

" Almighty and Everlasting God, who in Thy mercy
hast redeemed the human race by the Precious Blood
of Thy Beloved Son, and hast raised the world lying in
darkness to the light of the Gospel, we beseech Thee
that all faithful Christian princes and people may, in this
time of visitation, so valiantly take up arms against the
impious Turks, scorners of the Gospel, and all other
enemies of the Saving Cross, that, fighting for the glory
of Thy Name, and upheld by the strength of Thy arm,
they may win victorious trophies for Thy Church." 3

1 Cf . Raynaldus, 1460, Nos. 1-7. 2 Mansi, vol. ii. p. 78.

3Mansi, Orationes, vol. ii. pp. 84-6, where the Litany is also given.
Cf. Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 93.

i8o POPE PIUS II

Rising from his knees, the Pope dismissed the assembly
with his blessing. On 19 January he left Mantua.

The Congress of Mantua, if it had done nothing else,
had given Pius n an insight into the exact nature of his
position. By the time that his long sojourn in Mantua
drew to its close, the threads of Papal policy were all in his
hands. The chief problems of his reign had been touched
upon, friends and foes alike had revealed themselves ; and
for a clear-sighted politician like himself, it was not hard to
estimate the measure of success which he would achieve.
As ruler of the States of the Church, and one of the chief
territorial powers in Italy, he had every reason for en
couragement. Francesco Sforza had given ample proof
of the support which he was prepared to offer to one who
saw eye to eye with him over Neapolitan affairs, and Milan
and the Papacy, together, had every hope of bringing their
championship of the House of Aragon to a triumphant
conclusion. As spiritual sovereign of Europe, Pius could
look back on the Congress with some satisfaction. He
had raised the prestige of the Papacy in the sight of every
European nation, and, more especially with regard to
France, he had given bold expression to its claims. If the
Pragmatic Sanction were once abandoned, the last trace
of the Conciliar movement would be wiped out, and the
restored Papacy would issue forth in new glory from the
period of humiliation through which it had passed. In
one aspect alone, and in that which appealed most strongly
to all that was best and noblest in his nature, Pius could
derive little satisfaction from the proceedings of the Con
gress. As champion of the crusading cause, his sole source
of inspiration lay in his own high courage. By sheer
force of will, he had shamed Europe into some semblance
of activity. Yet it was clear that the fair show of pre
paration would vanish at the first contact with reality, and
that the Congress of Mantua was but the first act of the
tragedy which was to culminate five years later at Ancona.
Thus the Congress is not only an introduction, it is also an

\. MEDAL BY ANDREA GUACCIALOTTI. (OBVERSE) PORTRAIT OF PIUS II

2. GOLD DUCAT OF PIUS ITS PONTIFICATE. (REVERSE) S. PETER WITH

KEY AND BOOK

3. GOLD DUCAT OF PIUS IIS PONTIFICATE. (OBVERSE) PICCOLOMINI

ARMS SURMOUNTED BY TIARA AND CROSSED KEYS

4. MEDAL BY ANDREA GUACCIALOTTI. (REVERSE.) THp; PELICAN IN HER

PIETY
Inscription : ALES UT HEC CORDIS PAVI DE SANGUINE NATOS

Rritisfi Mitsfin/t

THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 181

epitome of Pius n's reign. Prosperity in all things Italian,
comparative success in the affairs of Europe, in the East
failure which the personality of the Pope alone prevented
from being absolute. And both the smaller and the larger
picture are set against a background of leisurely journeys
and pleasant sight-seeing which lends to them a peculiar
and fragrant atmosphere. The magic of Italian scenery
illumines the record of these Papal pilgrimages, in which
Pius, the artist and the man of letters, enters upon his
heritage.

CHAPTER IX
PIUS II AND ITALY

BEFORE Pius left Mantua war had broken out
in Naples, and many eyes were turned towards
the Pope to see what part he would play in the
struggle. He had invested Ferrante of Aragon with the
Neapolitan crown, but this, as he was at pains to explain
to the French envoys, was merely a temporary expedient.
It was one thing for the Pope to recognise the existing
King of Naples in order to be able to leave Rome without
fear of reprisals from a hostile neighbour; it was quite
another to fly in the face of Papal tradition, and to uphold
Ferrante against an Angevin claimant who had actually
made his appearance in Italy. Nevertheless, this was the
course which Pius n had made up his mind to pursue.
The events of the last year had convinced him that the
cause of peace and the welfare of the States of the Church
both called for an alliance between the Papacy and the
strong powers of Italy. As an Italian prince the friend
ship of Francesco Sforza was more valuable to him than
that of France, while the presence of a strong and friendly
power in Naples was, from his point of view, the best of
the alternatives which presented themselves. The old
policy of the Popes had been to encourage the French
claims to Naples, in order to keep the kingdom weak and
incapable of offence to the States of the Church. Yet
past experience had shown that disturbance in Naples in
evitably spread to the Papal territories, and that what

the Pope chiefly required in the ruler of Naples was a

182

PIUS II AND ITALY 183

guardian of the peace. " Can Rene drive out Piccinino
from the States of the Church ? " Pius asked the Arch
bishop of Marseilles when he pleaded the Angevin cause in
Rome. The Archbishop could only reply in the negative.
" Then what have we to expect from him if he cannot help
us in our distress ? We need a man in the kingdom who
can protect both himself and us." l So Pius threw in his
lot with Ferrante, and the Neapolitan succession war takes
the first place in the history of his reign in Italy.

From the moment of Alfonso's death, the great feuda
tories of the kingdom, notably Marino da Marzano, Prince
of Rossano, and Giovanni Antonio Orsini, Prince of Taranto,
determined not to acquiesce in the rule of Ferrante. The
man of whom Philippe de Commines wrote that he was
" without grace or mercy " had already won an evil re
putation in the Neapolitan kingdom, and the appearance
of benevolence which marked the early days of his rule did
not deceive the barons as to his true nature. Their eyes
had turned first towards Aragon, in the hope that Alfonso's
brother and successor, John n, might be induced to challenge
the right of his bastard nephew to the throne of Naples.
Failure in this direction threw them back upon a less power
ful candidate — John of Calabria, the son and heir of the
French claimant, Rene of Anjou. In the autumn of 1459,
this Prince, " active both in mind and body," 2 landed in
Neapolitan territory, and the smouldering fires of rebellion
burst into flames at the signal of his coming. He brought
with him a fleet of twenty-four vessels, which had been
built at Avignon out of the proceeds of the Turkish tithes
raised in France and were destined for the East. John,
however, did not scruple to " arm against Christians ships
built for the protection of Christians," 3 and the Cardinal of
Avignon was a party to the theft. The Angevin claimant
was greeted on his landing by the Prince of Rossano " with
such affection and rejoicing as might have been shown to a

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 36.

2 Ibid., lib. iv. p. 94. 3 Loc. cit.

184 POPE PIUS II

god come to earth." x He promptly won the Prince's
goodwill by standing godfather to his infant son, and the
fame of his talents and affability spread far and wide.
Meanwhile Ferrante was absent in Calabria, where rebellion
had already broken out, and, but for the promptitude of
his Queen, he would have returned homejto find the Angevin
banners floating over Naples. His difficulties were enor
mously increased by the fact that the Prince of Taranto,
as Grand Constable of the Kingdom, had the bulk of the
military forces in his hands. All depended on the attitude
of the other Italian powers, and Ferrante besought them
to lose no time in sending aid if they wished to keep the
foreigner out of Italy. The Pope and the Duke of Milan
responded to the appeal. When the campaign of 1460
began, Ferrante was aided by the Milanese forces under
Alessandro Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, and by a Papal con
tingent under Simonetto da Castello. The influence of Milan
and the Papacy had also secured for him the services of the
famous condottiere, Federico, Count of Urbino, the kinsman
of Sforza and the vassal of the Pope.

Pius paid a second visit to Florence on his journey
south, and on this occasion he had an interview with
Cosimo dei Medici, who expressed great surprise at the
Pope's action in embroiling himself with France on
Ferrante's account. " It would not conduce to the freedom
of Italy if the French obtained the kingdom," was the
Pope's pertinent reply ; " in protecting Ferrante, Italy is
protecting herself. Moreover, honesty demands that we
should do this, owing to the treaties that were made with
Alfonso ; it is not permitted to us to break faith, as others
do." 2 This was a word in season to Cosimo, who had
entered into alliance with Naples at the Peace of Lodi
(1454), and yet was not moving a finger in Ferrante's
defence. His personal opinion on the Neapolitan question
probably coincided with Pius n's, but he could not turn

1 Costanzo, Storia del regno di Napoli, vol. iii. p. 194.

2 Commentari'i, lib. iv. p. 96.

PIUS II AND ITALY 185

Florence from her traditional French policy. So " Cosimo
praised the Pope's decision, and confessed that the mass
of mankind will do nothing for the sake of justice unless
constrained by expediency or fear. He then asked, not
without modesty, that his nephew might be numbered
among the Cardinals." 1

From Florence Pius made his way to Siena, where he
intended to spend the summer. He arrived on 31 January
1460, and took up his residence in his beloved city to watch
the course of the Neapolitan war. Some days before his
arrival in Siena, he learned that the condottiere, Jacopo
Piccinino, had joined the Angevin faction, and was hurrying
to Naples. He had already heard of Piccinino's intentions
from Borso d'Este, who warned him that Piccinino was a
dangerous enemy, and offered his services as a mediator.
But Pius, knowing that the Lord of Ferrara was " more
French than the French " in his sympathies, suspected
treachery and rejected his offers.2 Alessandro Sforza and
Federico of Urbino at once received orders to keep watch
for Piccinino in Romagna, and to try to prevent him from
crossing the Neapolitan frontier. He, however, contrived
to elude their vigilance, and slipped across the Tronto in
order to raise the Angevin standard in the Abruzzi. Mean
while the Papal troops under Simonetto were sent to join
Ferrante, who was engaged in besieging John of Calabria
in Sarno. This strong natural fortress, situated on the
steep hillside, and protected at its base by the rushing
waters of the Sarno, had struck Pius's notice during his
travels in the Neapolitan kingdom in 1456. It was thus
with personal knowledge of the strategical situation that
the Pope watched the vicissitudes of the siege.3 John of
Calabria had collected his forces in what appeared to be
an impregnable retreat, intending to await the arrival of

1 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 96. The nephew was Filippo del Medici,
Bishop of Arezzo. Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. 294 note.

2 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 96.

3 Cf. Commentarii, lib. i. p. 27, and lib. iv. pp. 104-5.

i86

POPE PIUS II

Piccinino before taking the open field. But although
Sarno could not be taken by assault, it could be starved
into surrender ; and as the summer wore on, and the blockade
continued, the Angevins were on the point of yielding.
Ferrante's troops, however, were clamouring for pay, and,
on 7 July, he rashly countenanced an attack on Sarno in
the hope of booty. The result was a crushing defeat for
his cause. The Angevin forces routed the besieging army,
and the Pope's general, Simonetto, who had thrown the
weight of his advice against the attack, was killed in
battle.1 Ferrante escaped with a handful of cavalry
to Naples, leaving his camp to be ransacked by the
enemy.

Hard upon the battle of Sarno came the news of another
disaster. On 22 July Piccinino fell upon Federico of
Urbino and Alessandro Sforza at San Fabbiano, and drove
them back across the Tronto. This double defeat spread
panic among Ferrante's supporters, and on all sides the
friends of Anjou raised their heads. " Christ fought for
us at Sarno," exclaimed the Angevin envoy at the Papal
Court ; " if He is on our side, we do not trouble about His
Vicar." To which Pius replied, " You have known before
this that Christ's Vicar is against you, and you will know
it even more certainly in the future. . . . With all my
strength, O Italy, will I succour you, and never suffer
strangers to have rule over you." 2 These were brave
words, but Neapolitan and Milanese authorities show that
the Pope's behaviour, during this time of trial, was not so
entirely courageous as he would have posterity believe.
Pius was aware that his support of Ferrante was a new and
even dangerous experiment. From the first a strong party
in the Curia was opposed to his policy, and even the Ara-
gonese themselves seemed hardly able to believe that
he was in earnest. Report said that Ferrante made his
rash attack on Sarno because he feared to delay longer

1 Cf. Costanzo, vol. iii. pp. 205-10.

2 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 106.

PIUS II AND ITALY 187

lest the Papal forces should be recalled.1 Others declared
that Pius had connived at Piccinino's unhindered passage
through Romagna from a selfish desire to prevent warfare
in Papal territory.2 Pius was fully alive to these currents
of feeling, and while his friends suspected him, the Angevins
never relaxed their efforts to win him to their side. For
a person of his susceptibility, it became increasingly difficult
to carry out a policy that was looked upon as strange and
unprecedented. From the time of the reverses of July
1460, he began to waver. During the next two years it
needed much persuasion from Francesco Sforza and
several bribes from Ferrante to keep him true to his
purpose.

On hearing of the Pope's vacillations, Ferrante made a
bid for his support by yielding his rights over Terracina
to the Church, and by presenting to the Pope's nephew,
Andrea, the little town of Castiglione della Pescaia, on the
Tuscan coast, together with the adjacent island of Giglio.3
These gifts sufficed to keep the Pope firm during the
campaign of 1461, when his troops rendered valuable
assistance to the Aragonese in the neighbourhood of Naples.
The balance of success in this campaign lay on the whole
with Ferrante. Yet with Apulia, Calabria, and Abruzzi
each a separate centre of disaffection, success in one province
often meant defeat in another. Pius was not far from the
truth when he compared the Neapolitan war to a seven-
headed monster : "if Ferrante succeeds in winning one
battle, the enemy are seven times victorious."4 To a
nervous temperament, wholly without military experience,
these vicissitudes were a severe strain, and time after time
the Duke of Milan had to bring his soldierly common sense

1 Cf. Costanzo, vol. iii. p. 207.

2 Simonetta, Historia Francisci Primi (Muratori, Rer^Ital. Script.,
xxi. p. 709).

3 For Terracina, cf. Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 130, and Raynaldus, 1460,
No. 65. For Castiglione and Giglio, cf. Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 108,
and Simonetta, p. 727.

4 Simonetta, p. 732.

i88 POPE PIUS II

to bear upon the panic-stricken Pope. It was, said
Francesco Sforza, a far more difficult task to keep the
Pope steadfast than to bear the expenses and fatigues of
the war.1

In 1461 the Duke of Milan became seriously ill, and
reports of his death were current throughout Italy. At
the same time came news of various reverses at the seat
of war. Pius was plunged into the lowest depths of
despair, seeing himself, bereft of his stalwart partner,
the solitary champion of a hopeless cause. Once more
Ferrante came forward with a bribe, and in the autumn
of 1461 another Papal nephew, Antonio, was married to
the King's illegitimate daughter, being made Duke of
Amalfi and Grand Justiciar of the Kingdom. Yet even his
delight at the honours showered upon his nephew could
not entirely restore the Pope's peace of mind. On
12 March 1462, the Milanese ambassador, Otto Carretto,
forwarded to his master the report of an important con
versation which had taken place between himself and
Pius ii.2 After dismissing every one else from his presence,
the Pope called Carretto to his side and said to him, " Messer
Otto, you are a faithful servant of your lord, and as his
affairs are most closely connected with my own, I will
quite secretly impart certain matters to you, and then
ask your advice concerning them." He proceeded to
give a masterly sketch of the political situation, with a
view to showing the overwhelming power of France, and
the perilous path which Milan and the Papacy were
treading in pursuing an anti-French policy in Naples.
Milan, he said, was surrounded by the friends of France
— Savoy, Montferrat, Ferrara; while in Venice she had a
rival who would take prompt advantage of her weakness.
Discontent was rife throughout the Duchy, and many of
Sforza's subjects were ready to side with France or Venice

1 Simonetta, p. 732.

2 Pastor, vol. iii. pp. 142-6, from the original letter in the Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, Milan.

PIUS II AND ITALY 189

against him.1 Little or nothing could be expected from
Florence; while as for Ferrante, he was hated by his
people, and his treasury was exhausted. Save for Milan,
the Papacy must stand alone. Yet, within the States of
the Church, the Colonna were strongly French in sympathy,
and many other Papal vassals were intriguing with
Piccinino. Beyond the borders of Italy there were
German malcontents, and the heretic King of Bohemia,
who threatened the spiritual power of the Papacy.
French ambassadors were now on their way to Rome.
If Pius refused their demands with regard to Naples,
would he not expose the Church to the perils of a General
Council, if not of a schism, and jeopardise the whole
position of the Papacy ?

Carretto was aghast at the Pope's words, and did his
utmost to present the situation in a more favourable
light. To desert Ferrante at this juncture would, he
urged, be a lamentable exhibition of weakness. The Pope
feared a renewal of the schism if he resisted France, but
an abject submission to France would go far to revive
the conditions of the Papal captivity at Avignon. His
representations were not without effect, and, after a few
days, he was able to report that Pius was recovering from
his panic. " My most anxious endeavour," he concludes,
" will be to keep His Holiness firm in this matter, and
to take care that no one should know of his vacillations/'

The events of the next few months put an end to the
trusty Carretto 's worst anxieties. Just when Ferrante's
cause seemed most hopeless, the tide turned in his favour,
and his victory at Troja, on 18 August 1462, proved the
decisive battle of the Neapolitan war. It was followed
by his reconciliation with the Prince of Taranto, who
had from the first sought the King's humiliation rather
than his overthrow. The negotiations were conducted

1 The Pope's words are confirmed by the report on the political
condition of Milan tendered to the Duke by his {agent, Antonio Vailati,
in 1461. Cf. Ady, A History of Milan under the Sforza, pp. 82 seq.

POPE PIUS II

by Cardinal Roverella, the Papal Legate, and Taranto
was restored to all his former possessions and offices.1
From this time forward Pius n's energies were directed
towards ending the war, and in December 1462 he suc
ceeded in bringing the envoys of the rival parties to a
conference at Todi.2 But neither Ferrante nor his
opponent were ready for peace, and fighting continued
throughout the year 1463. It was clear, however, that
the real issue of the war was decided, and the Neapolitan
barons, of both factions, devoted themselves to strengthen
ing their own position, with a view to the future.
The Pope's share in this last campaign limited itself to
furthering the interests of his nephew, the Duke of Amalfi.
When the young Count Ruggiero of Celano turned against
his mother, a loyal Aragonese, and threw in his lot with
Piccinino, the Pope promptly laid claim to Celano as a
Papal fief. Troops were sent to protect the defenceless
widow against her unnatural son, but when peace was
restored the lady only recovered a few castles, while the
County of Celano was conferred upon Antonio Piccolomini.3
Pius also had hopes of securing the suzerainty of the city
of Aquila, which clung to its traditions of independence
and sought Papal protection against Ferrante. But
plague within the city, and the armies of Aragon without,
humbled its pride. Aquila gave itself to the King of
Naples, and the envoys who had been sent to offer alle
giance to the Pope were hastily recalled.4

Meanwhile John of Calabria had retired to Ischia.
Early in 1464 he recognised that his cause was hopeless,
and took ship for Provence. He left behind him a
fragrant memory. " He had," says Pontano, " most
charming manners, and showed singular faith and loyalty.
... He was a good Christian, full of generosity and kmd-
jl^ ^ostanzo, iii. pp. 252-3. Cf. also Commentarii, lib. x. pp. 247-51.

2 Commentarii , lib. x. p. 271.

3 Ibid., lib. xi. p. 275, and lib. xii. p. 331.
* Ibid., lib. xii. pp. 322 and 330.

PIUS II AND ITALY 191

liness, a lover of justice, and more grave and circum
spect than most Frenchmen." l Many a subject of the
Neapolitan kingdom, crushed beneath Ferrante's iron
rule, and sickened by the tale of his treacheries, must have
sighed for the return of this gallant prince. Nevertheless,
Pius ii 's policy was in accordance with the true interests
of his country. Only by keeping the passes of the Alps
barred against the foreigner could Italy attain to some
measure of unity and good government under the leader
ship of her five chief States. Pius had wavered where
he should have stood firm, and had worked for the
advancement of his family with unblushing persistency.
For all that, he had chosen the path of patriotic states
manship, and had followed it to a triumphant conclusion.
Owing to Pius ir and to those who worked with him,
Italy enjoyed those thirty years of peace and freedom
from foreign interference which lay between the close
of the Neapolitan war and the invasion of Charles VIH.
They were years which have made Italy famous for all
time, in which the fairest flowers of the Renaissance were
brought to their perfection.

Closely interwoven with the Neapolitan war is Pius n's
long struggle with Sigismondo Malatesta. This wayward
child of the Renaissance, constant only in his devotion
to the Arts, had much in common with the humanist
Pope. Pius might say, in righteous horror, of the
Malatesta temple at Rimini, that "it was filled with so
many profane works that it resembled a heathen temple
rather than a place of Christian worship." 2 Neverthe
less, the ideals which inspired its creator differed little
from those which brought Pienza into being. Church
and city alike are the expression of a personality, the
creation of an adventurer who had climbed to fame upon
the vicissitudes of an uncertain age, and who determined
to leave behind him one permanent witness to his memory.

1 Pontanus, De Bello Neapolitano. Cf. also Costanzo, iii. p. 268.
a Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 51.

IQ2 POPE PIUS II

Pius and Sigismondo were, however, from the first
destined to be enemies. The relations between the Pope
and the Vicar of an ecclesiastical fief were always delicate,
and in this case they were complicated by external circum
stances. As a Sienese, Pius could not forgive Sigismondo
for his treachery to the Republic in 1454, when he under
took the defence of Siena against the Lord of Pitigliano,
and then made peace without consulting his employers.1
Sigismondo, on his side, had every reason to mistrust a
suzerain who was hand in glove with his bitterest foes
— the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and the Count of
Urbino. The Lord of Rimini, moreover, despised per
suasion as much as Pius disliked impetuosity, and thus
personal antipathy arose to embitter the conflict.

The trouble began in the first year of Pius n's reign,
when Sigismondo's fortresses were falling before the joint
attack of Piccinino and the Count of Urbino, and the luckless
Malatesta joined the Papal cortege on its way to Mantua,
humbly seeking mediation from his overlord. For the
moment, desire for peace triumphed over the Pope's anti
pathy, and he made at least an attempt to deal fairly by
Sigismondo. Malatesta's cause was heard at Florence
and again at Mantua, while Pius wrote himself to Count
Federico, begging him to modify his terms. " You are
victorious," he wrote, " and Sigismondo acknowledges you
to be so ; as worsted, he is ready to submit to terms. . . .
Let not your rigour and obstinacy wrest from you your
conquest." 2 Federico yielded to the Pope's pressure, and
peace was made by which Sigismondo was forced to yield
several fortresses to Urbino, and to surrender Sinigaglia
and Mondavio to the Papacy, as pledges for payment of his
debts to the King of Naples. Sigismondo, not unnaturally,
considered that Pius had taken advantage of his position
as mediator to gain possession of two coveted cities. Cir-

1 Yriarte, Un condottiere au ije siecle, pp. 280-3.

2 Pius ii to Federico, Count of Urbino, 21 June 1459. Cf. Dennistoun,
i. pp. 117-9.

PIUS II AND ITALY 193

cumstances forced him to accept the terms of the treaty,
but he left Mantua vowing vengeance on the Pope.

During the troubled summer of 1460, Sigismondo saw
his opportunity. Regardless of his pledges, he seized
Mondavio, and proceeded to attack Sinigaglia. Pius re
taliated by instituting formal proceedings against Malatesta
as a heretic and a traitor, and in the following year Barto-
lomeo Vitelleschi, Bishop of Corneto, was sent into the
Marches to reduce the rebel vassal to obedience. The
chief result of the campaign was a triumphant victory for
Malatesta at Nidastore on 2 July 1461. The Papal forces
fled before Sigismondo's onset, leaving baggage, artillery,
and the banner of S. Peter in the victor's hands.1 There
were few more critical moments in Pius n's reign. The
Duke of Milan was lying at death's door, the Papal treasury
was exhausted, and every day seemed to bring news of
fresh victories for Anj ou in Naples. Nevertheless, in dealing
with Malatesta the Pope knew no hesitation. He continued
to wage war on the miscreant, with weapons both temporal
and spiritual, until Sigismondo was brought to his knees.

The strangest and most characteristic episode of the
struggle was the burning of Malatesta's effigy, which took
place in Rome early in the year 1462. It was the outward
sign, Pius explained, of his condemnation to eternal punish
ment. The system of canonisation enabled the Pope to
declare that certain of the departed were citizens of the
heavenly Jerusalem and worthy of the veneration of the
faithful. In the same way, it belonged to the Papal office
to pronounce that notorious sinners had their place with
Lucifer, in the city of the damned.2 On Christmas Day
1460 the process began by a detailed accusation against
Sigismondo on the part of the Fiscal Advocate. The
Lord of Rimini, he declared, was guilty of " rapine, arson,
murder, adultery, incest, parricide, sacrilege, treason and
heresy," and it was the Pope's plain duty to purge Italy

1 Commentarii, lib. v. pp. 141-2. Cf. Pastor, iii. p. 120.

2 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 129.

13

I94 POPE PIUS II

of " so loathsome and abominable a monster." l Other
tyrants of the Renaissance were as wicked as Sigismondo,
but none took less trouble to conceal their wrongdoings.
Tales of his open contempt for the ceremonies and laws of
the Church, of the two wives whom he had murdered, and
even of his schemes for bringing the Turk into Italy, were
rife throughout the country. It is difficult for us to-day
to separate fact from rumour, but there was sufficient
evidence against Sigismondo to satisfy his judges. When
Cardinal Cusa presented his report upon the investigation
of the case, Malatesta was found guilty of all the crimes
ascribed to him, and it only remained to put the sentence
into execution, " Before the steps of the basilica of S. Peter
a great pyre of dry materials was raised, and on the top
of it was placed an effigy of Sigismondo, reproducing the
features of the man, and indeed his very clothes, so that
it seemed more like a real person than an effigy. And lest
any should not recognise the effigy, a scroll came out of its
mouth bearing the words, ' I am Sigismondo Malatesta . . .
king of traitors, the enemy of God and man, by sentence of
the Sacred College condemned to the flames.' Many read
the writing; then, in the presence of the multitude, the
pyre was kindled and immediately consumed the effigy." a
The ceremony was repeated in another part of Rome with
a duplicate effigy, the execution of the two figures being
entrusted to the Papal architect, Paolo Romano.3 The
spirit of the Renaissance demanded that even an effigy
destined for the flames should be a work of art. Therefore
Pius took care that it should be so, and Sigismondo
doubtless appreciated the fact.

Meanwhile Sigismondo was hurling defiance at his
judge. " I am advised that His Holiness has composed
some verses against me," he wrote to the Duke of Milan.

1 Commentaru, lib. v. p. 129. z Ibid., lib. vii. pp. 184-5.

3 Cf. Miintz, Les Arts d la Cour des Papes : " Hon viro magistro Paulo
Mariani de Urbe Sculptori, florenos auri de camera 8 ebol. 48, pro totidem
per eum expositis in qonficiendis duabus imaginibus Sigismundi Malatesta
ad camburendum,"

PIUS II AND ITALY 195

" I must tell you that it is not in my nature to tolerate
such things, even though His Holiness is my suzerain and
I am his Vicar and servant. . . . When I am attacked with
the pen, I attack with the pen. If I am opposed by the
sword, I defend myself with the sword to the death, . . .
a gallant death ennobles an entire life." 1 But the forces
of the Papacy were more than a match for the rebel feuda
tory. On 12 August, when Sigismondo had just succeeded
in recapturing Sinigaglia, Federico of Urbino appeared
beneath its walls, and before dawn the next day Malatesta' s
army was scattered to the winds.2 In the following year
the fall of Fano set a seal upon the Pope's triumph. The
city was gallantly defended by Roberto Malatesta, but,
besieged both by land and sea, it surrendered on 25 Septem
ber 1463, after nearly four months' resistance.3 Sinigaglia
immediately gave herself to the Church, other strongholds
followed suit, and in a short time Sigismondo's dominions
were reduced to Rimini and its contado. Public opinion
had felt for some time past that the Pope had gone far
enough, and Milan, Venice, Florence, and even France,
entreated him to stay his hand. But Pius was strangely
obstinate. " It is not nobility that we hate," he wrote
to the Count of Urbino, " but profligate and faithless
nobles like himself (Sigismondo) . . . and we shall not
neglect to chastise him as God may give us opportunity.
You, and all such as imitate your ways, we love right
heartily, and shall honour and exalt to the utmost of our
power, . . . knowing well that authority is best maintained
by punishments and rewards, and that in the opinion of
all the world Sigismondo has earned the former, and you
the latter." 4 At last the Pope realised that his tenacity
with regard to Sigismondo accorded ill with his exhorta-

1 Sigismondo Malatesta to Francesco Sforza, Rimini, 26 March 1462
(Pastor, Appendix 56. From Archivio di Stato, Milano).

2 Cf. Dennistoun, i. p. 136, and Commentaru, lib. x. p. 259.

3 Commentarii, lib. xii. pp. 319 and 342.

4 Pius ii to Federico of Urbino, 6 Oct. 1462 (Muzio, Historia dei fatti
di Federico, Duca di Urbino, pp. 217-9).

196 POPE PIUS II

tions of peace, and in October 1463 the conditions of pardon
were made and accepted. All the Malatesta dominions
were declared forfeit to the Holy See, and Sigismondo was
ordered to fast every Friday on bread and water for the
remainder of his life. After his envoys had made public
confession and recantation of his heresies in Rome, the
sentence of excommunication was removed, and Rimini
and Cesena were granted afresh to Sigismondo and his
brother Novello, in return for a large annual tribute.
Finally, the Bishop of Sessa was sent to Rimini to raise the
interdict. Three days of fasting and penance were imposed
upon the whole community, and at the end of that time
Sigismondo, on his knees before the Bishop in the crowded
Cathedral, received absolution and benediction for himself
and his subjects.1 A few months later the vanquished
rebel left Italy for the East in the service of Venice.

It was during the Pope's sojourn at Siena, on his way
back from the Congress of Mantua, that he heard both of
the Angevin victory at Sarno and of the rebellion of
Malatesta. " Misfortunes seldom come singly/' as Pius
observed, and at the same time the news from Rome was
such as to cause him the gravest anxiety.2 A band of
some three hundred riotous youths, under the leadership of
Tiburzio and Valeriano de' Maso, made Rome ring with
the tale of their robberies and outrages, and instituted a
reign of terror with which the magistrates were quite unable
to cope. The barons of the Campagna made common
cause with these turbulent spirits, and Jacopo Savelli's
stronghold at Palombara became the headquarters of the
whole band. In the course of the summer one of the
rioters, appropriately named Innamorato, was arrested for
kidnapping a girl on her way to her wedding. Thereupon
his companions fortified themselves in the Pantheon, and
held it during a nine days' siege, being supplied with food
by the terror-stricken neighbours, who feared to deny them
what they asked. Finally, the magistrates weakly yielded

1 Commentarii, lib. xii. pp. 344-5- 2 Ibid-> lib. iv. p. 106,

PIUS II AND ITALY 197

up Innamorato in exchange for some citizens whom the
rioters had captured. After this episode " Tiburzio was
lord of all, and everything hung upon his will." 1 As the
son of Angelo de' Maso, who had been executed for his share
in the Porcaro conspiracy ten years earlier, he posed as
the champion of Republicanism, and swore to deliver
Rome from the yoke of the priests. After some weeks of
virtual dictatorship, Tiburzio graciously acceded to the
request of the magistrates that he should withdraw to
Palombara. He left the city amid every sign of pomp,
and with the knowledge that he could return when it
suited him.

From Rome and the Campagna the insurrection spread
outwards until it merged in the larger problem of the
Neapolitan war. In September, Piccinino appeared in the
Sabina, where he was welcomed by all the elements of
opposition to the Papacy. J acopo Savelli provided quarters
for his troops, and the anti-Papal party in Tivoli all but
succeeded in delivering the city into his hands. The
capture of a certain Luca da Tozio, an emissary of Cardinal
Colonna, revealed a widespread conspiracy against the
Pope. The Prince of Taranto, Everso of Anguillara,
J acopo Savelli, and the Colonna had combined to bring
Piccinino into the Campagna. Tiburzio would open the
gates of Rome to him, and the Papal government would be
at his mercy.2 Up to this time Pius had disregarded the
entreaties of the magistrates that he should return to Rome,
but now he resolved to delay no longer. The Cardinals
feared that he would fall into Piccinino's clutches, but the
Pope remembered Eugenius iv's nine years' exile, and
determined to enter Rome while it was still possible.

On 6 October the news spread that the Pope was in the
neighbourhood, and the Senator of Rome, Cardinal Tebaldo,
and some of the nobility rode out to welcome his return.
They found Pius picnicking by a fountain in a shady grove.
He had spent the previous night at the village of Formello,

1 Commentani, lib. iv. pp. 106-7. * Ibid., pp. 108-9.

198 POPE PIUS II

where the accommodation had been primitive, and he was
enjoying an alfresco meal in order to make up for his scanty
supper. The new-comers were pressed to join the feast,
and then the whole party set out for Rome. Pius, with
habitual good fortune, had chosen exactly the right
moment for his return. The fickle youth of the city had
grown weary of excesses, and a band of Tiburzio's followers
came six miles out of Rome to beg the privilege of carry
ing the returning Pontiff into his capital. The Pope's
companions trembled when they saw these unruly youths
raising the Papal litter to their shoulders, but Pius smiled
at their fears : " Thou shalt walk on the asp and the
basilisk, and tread under foot the lion and the dragon," he
quoted. " What wild beast is more savage than man ? . . .
Yet the fiercest natures often grow gentle. These youths
were prepared to take from us our life and our city, but
now they know their error, and bear on their shoulders him
whom they sought to trample under their feet." *• The same
month saw the end of Tiburzio's career. Another of his
band, a certain Bonanno Specchio, having fallen into the
hands of the police, Tiburzio came to Rome, with fifteen
companions, and endeavoured to repeat the Innamorato
episode. But his transient popularity had vanished, and
he failed to create any movement in his favour. The
rebels fled for refuge to the grass and scrub outside the
walls, where the Papal troops hunted them down with dogs
until the ringleaders were captured. On 31 October
Tiburzio and seven others were hanged in the Capitol.
Within a year, this outbreak of hooliganism, masquerading
in the guise of a Republican movement, was over and
forgotten.

In 1461, Federico of Urbino undertook a campaign in
the Sabina which did much to restore order in the Papal
dominions round Rome. Three new canons, named after
the Pope and his parents, Silvia, Vittoria, and Enea, were
employed in the war, and the Pope prided himself that they

1 Commentarii, lib. iv. pp. 115-6.

PIUS II AND ITALY 199

were largely responsible for the success of the campaign.1
Jacopo Savelli, the arch-rebel of the barons, was besieged
in Palombara, and in July he humbly sought peace of the
Pope. He was pardoned upon easy conditions, and his
submission put an end to the Pope's worst difficulties.
" Words fail me to describe," wrote Otto Carretto, " what
joy and delight this matter has brought to the whole city
and CAiria." 2

The Neapolitan war, the subjugation of Malatesta,
and the suppression of Tiburzio's rebellion are the three
outstanding events of Pius n's reign in Italy. Yet his
success as ruler of the States of the Church does not rest
upon these victories alone. It may even be said that, in
all three episodes, fortune rather than any peculiar dis
play of ability on Pius n's part turned the scales in his
favour. The unique feature of his rule, and the clue to
his successful government, lies in the intimate knowledge of
his dominions which he gained by his constant expeditions
to all parts of the Papal States. The inhabitants of many
a rebellious city and of many a remote village had looked
upon the Pope merely as some far-off recipient of taxes
until they gained a new conception of their suzerain from
the kindly little old man, with his genial manners and
simple habits, who had spent some pleasant days among
them. The Pope's detractors grumbled at these constant
holidays, and complained that the Papal business was
neglected. But in Italy, where the personal relation is all
supreme, Pius n's progresses among his people bound the
Papal States together in a way that hours of toil with his
secretaries at the Vatican could never have accomplished.

During the Pope's visits to the cities of his dominions,
he was often called upon to play the part of peacemaker.
His efforts to mediate between contending factions at
Perugia had little permanent effect, but in other places he

1 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 135.

2 Otto Carretto to Francesco Sforza, n July 1461 (Pastor, Appendix 49,
from Archivio di Stato, Milano).

200 POPE PIUS II

was more successful. His dealings with Orvieto, in par
ticular, are an illustration of the good influence which a
wise and tactful Pope could have over the distracted
Republics which acknowledged the Papal suzerainty. As
soon as the fact that Pius had left Mantua was known in
Orvieto, the citizens began to look forward to a visit from
their over-lord on his way back to Rome.1 It was re
solved to pave the way for his coming by a complimentary
embassy. As a preliminary step, a general day's hunting
was proclaimed, and every citizen, from the magistrates
of the Republic to the humblest peasant, turned out at the
sound of the horn to take his share in providing a present
for the Pope. The result of the chase was that an em
bassy from Orvieto appeared before Pius n at Siena, armed
with some hundred head of game and a varied list of
petitions. The Pope was asked, among other things, to allow
some Jewish money-lenders to settle in Orvieto, to repair
the hall of the Papal palace, and to reduce the salt-tax.
Evil reports had already reached Pius of the feuds between
the Muffati and the Melcorini which destroyed the peace
of Orvieto. He now saw his opportunity to end the war,
and the envoys were sent away happy, with the assur
ance that their petitions should be granted, and that the
Pope would visit their city in the course of the year. On
27 September 1460 the great day arrived, and Pius was
welcomed at the gates of Orvieto by crowds of children
waving olive-branches and shouting, ' ' Pio ! Pace ! ' ' Before
entering the city he made the sign of the cross over it, in
order to exorcise the evil spirit of sedition with the Papal
blessing.2 He remained for three days in the Papal palace,
full of admiration for the splendid city rising out of the
valley upon its rocky precipices. " Here," he says, "were
most noble houses and vast palaces, but age has consumed
much, while civil strife has burned and destroyed still

1 Fumi, Pio II e la pace di Orvieto (Studi e documenti di storm e
diritto, Anno vi., Roma, 1885.

2 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. in.

PIUS II AND ITALY 201

more. Now there are only half-mined towers and fallen
temples. But the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary
stands unspoilt in the midst of the town, unrivalled by any
Church in Italy. . . . Thefasade . . . is adorned with statues
fashioned by excellent sculptors (the greater part of them
Sienese),1 who are not inferior to Phidias or Praxiteles. In
the white marble figures of men and animals art seems to
rival nature ; only a voice is needed to make them alive.
And there may be seen the resurrection of the dead, the
judgment of the Saviour, the pains of the damned, and the
reward of the elect, as if these events were really happen
ing." 2 Pius, with unerring artistic instinct, has seized
upon the peculiar glory of the Orvieto facade, but even
while he rejoiced over its beauty he laboured in the cause
of peace. He preached in the Cathedral, and gave separate
addresses to the boys and girls of the city, all with a view
to ending civil strife. Before the Pope left Orvieto the
citizens were determined to lay aside their feuds. In the
following December, Muffati and Melcorini made peace in
the presence of the Papal Governor, and a month later a
new government, known as the Stato Ecclesiastico, was
set up.3 It was composed of representatives of all parties
in the city, and by this means the " diabolical factions "
were extinguished. In the course of the year 1461 Papal
troops aided the citizens to rid themselves of a would-be
tyrant, Gentile della Sala, who had endeavoured to create
a revolution in Orvieto for his own ends. Gentile sur
rendered at discretion to the Pope, who spared his life
and lands, but banished him to North Italy.4 With
Gentile's departure Orvieto was at the end of her troubles.

1 The Sienese architect Lorenzo Maitani, capo maestro of the works
at Orvieto 1310-30, is now commonly admitted to have designed the
facade, although the prevalence of the Florentine spirit in the reliefs
points to the influence of such men as Andrea and Nino Pisano. Pius II
naturally takes the Sienese view of this vexed question. Cf. Waters,
Italian Sculptors, pp. 117-20.

2 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. in. 3 Fumi, op. cit., pp. 261-4.
4 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 112.

202 POPE PIUS II

" Nothing is more dear to our heart," wrote Pius in his
letter of congratulation, " than to know that our subjects
live in peace and tranquillity." 1

In 1461 Pius passed his mllegiatura at Tivoli, a politic
move on his part, in view of the recent disturbances in
the city. Some of the citizens who had tried to deliver
Tivoli to Piccinino fled on the news of the Pope's coming,
but those who remained received a free pardon together
with a fatherly lecture upon the error of their ways.2
As a guarantee against future trouble Pius caused a
fortress to be built in the highest part of the city. This
great stronghold with its twin towers, adorned with the
arms of Pius n, remains as a permanent memorial of the
Pope's sojourn in Tivoli.3 Before returning to Rome,
Pius made an expedition to Subiaco. As he travelled
up the Aniene valley, he was charmed by the countless
sparkling streams which flowed into the river. " The
Pope ordered dinner to be prepared on the journey, at a
place where a clear fountain gushed out. . . . Here the
Pope and Cardinals dined, quenching their thirst at the
stream. The ice-cold water tasted sweeter than wine.
The people assembled near the fountain were invited to
share the feast, although a great crowd had come from
the surrounding villages to see the Pope. After dinner,
the peasants plunged into the water to catch fish for the
Pope's entertainment. He watched the fishers from the
bank as he proceeded on his way, and at every capture they
saluted him with a loud shout, and handed the trout to
the Papal servants. Thus the greater part of the journey
passed in the pleasantest manner." 4 This, and other
episodes of the kind, so naively described in the Com
mentaries, caused the name of Pius n to be cherished among
the inhabitants of an entire countryside.

1 Fumi, op. cit., p. 265. 2 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 136.

8 The following inscription is preserved on the gateway : —
"Grata bonis, invisa malis, inimica superbis
Sum tibi, Tybur, enim sic Pius instituit."
4 Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 167.

PIUS II AND ITALY 203

The year 1462 was the golden year of Pius IT'S sojourn
in Tuscany, when he lingered on the slopes of Monte
Amiata, and watched Pienza rise into being upon the
opposite hill-side. But his journeys to and from Tuscany
formed the occasion for another leisurely progress through
the Papal States. The Feast of Corpus Christi was spent
amid much pageantry at Viterbo, and, on the Lake of
Bolsena, Pius watched the boat-races, which he describes
with enthusiasm worthy of a competitor in the struggle.1
On the return journey the Pope stayed at Todi, where
once more he was able to introduce a settled government
in the place of anarchy and misrule. He found the citizens
groaning under the yoke of Jacopo and Andrea Atti,
members of a powerful and wealthy family, who had
usurped authority in Todi. The Pope and Cardinals
instituted an inquiry into the doings of these brothers,
with the result that Jacopo, the principal offender, was
banished from the city. The chief magistracy of Todi
was composed of Priors elected by lot every two months,
from names previously placed in the election -boxes.
Now, under Pius n's auspices, the magistracy was purged
of undesirable elements by the usual Italian practice of
refilling the election-boxes. At the same time, " various
other salutary laws were given to the city, which have
sufficed unto this day to maintain peace." 2

Pius was an enthusiastic builder, but his energies were
mainly directed towards the glorification of Pienza. His
chief works in Rome were a tribune, from which the Pope
could bless the people outside S. Peter's, and the beautiful
Chapel of S. Andrew in the left aisle of the ancient Church.
With the rebuilding of S. Peter's both these memorials
of Pius ii were swept away. For the rest, his building
operations, as well as his general policy, found their origin
in his travels through the Papal States. The new harbour
at Corneto, the walls of Civita Vecchia, and the restorations
at Assisi and Orvieto, are alike the outcome of the Pope's

1 Commentarii, lib. viii. pp. 208-14. * Ibid., lib. x. pp. 270-1.

204 POPE PIUS II

intimate knowledge of the needs of his dominions. Above
all he took pains to be an effective guardian of the
antiquities of the Papal States. As the Pope was returning
along the Via Appia from one of his many excursions, he
saw to his horror a man digging great blocks of stone out
of the way, in order to use them for building a house.
He sent at once to the lord of the district, a member of
the Colonna family, and bade him see that the Via Appia
was left untouched, as it was under the protection of the
Papacy.1 In 1462 he issued a Bull forbidding injury to any
ancient monument in his dominions, and reserving to him
self the right of attending to necessary repairs.2 Later
generations would have had cause to rejoice if other
guardians of Rome had been as zealous as Pius u.

As ruler of the Papal States, Pius showed himself a
true Guelf. To the cities he was a benevolent suzerain,
caring for their interests and respecting their liberties,
but he waged war on the nobility. Sigismondo Malatesta,
Gentile della Sala, and Jacopo Savelli were not the only
feudatories who felt the weight of his hand. An object
of his peculiar aversion was Everso, Count of Anguillara,
a petty lord of the Campagna, of whom he has left a vivid
if unpleasing portrait. " To Everso nothing was sweeter
than rapine, he was skilled in arms, and made war upon
his relations and friends as readily as upon his enemies.
He was always at enmity with his suzerain the Pope ; . . .
he despised religion, saying that the world was governed by
chance, and that the souls of men and animals alike were
mortal. He was blasphemous and cruel, and thought
no more of killing a man than a beast. He invented
new and horrible tortures for his prisoners. He forced
his troops to live by plunder and robbery, and compelled
the peasants to work for him on Sundays. It was the
Lord's Day, he said, and he was their Lord." 3 The Count

1 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 308.

2 Lesca, p. 226 ; Pastor, iii. p. 304.

3 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 39, and Cugnoni, p. 190.

PIUS II AND ITALY 205

of Anguillara was implicated in every movement against
Pius n, but he contrived, apparently, to escape punish
ment. He is last mentioned in the Commentaries in
1463, when he was frustrated in an attempt to kill the
Pope by soaking his saddle in poison.1

Both in his scepticism and his barbarities, Everso is a
lesser example of the type of Sigismondo Malatesta. He
stood for lawlessness, brute force, and feudal independence,
and from vassals such as he, Pius was determined to purge
his dominions. In their place he substituted for the
most part his own relations. The system of nepotism
was already in vogue before Pius ascended the throne of
S. Peter, but under him it became an established feature
of Papal policy. Antonio Piccolomini takes a prominent
place in the long line of Papal nephews which culminated
in Caesar Borgia. His fortunes were made in the
Neapolitan war, several of the forfeited Malatesta fiefs
fell to his share, and he was brought forward on every
possible occasion. Yet Pius was too tenacious of his
rights to allow even a favourite nephew to usurp his
authority, and he cannot fairly be accused of subordinating
the interests of the Papacy to those of his family. Antonio
and the numerous Piccolomini who held the fiefs and
manned the fortresses of the Church were a source of
strength and not of weakness to the Papacy. Nepotism
was used by Pius n as a means of supplying a non-military
power with its chief requisite, loyal and efficient captains.

In an age when every Papal Vicar struggled to make
himself a sovereign prince, and when the Papacy still
reaped the fruits of its long exile from Italy, the Pope's
task as a territorial ruler was by no means light. Pius n,
in the face of many difficulties, went far towards establish
ing an effective control over his dominions. At his death
in 1464 he left the States of the Church more loyal, more
united, and better governed than he found them.

1 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 305.

CHAPTER X
PIUS II AND EUROPE

PIUS II's relations with the powers of Europe gave
scope for the exercise of his peculiar talents.
Embassies came to Rome, and whether or no the
results of their mission proved satisfactory, one and
all departed lost in admiration at the wise and eloquent
orations which fell from the Holy Father's lips. Papal
Bulls sped hither and thither, couched in the well-turned,
incisive phrases which were associated with the name of
Jjjieas Silvius. In the various problems which called for
solution the Pope always had some personal knowledge to
bring to bear upon the subject, the fruit of his long ap
prenticeship in European diplomacy and of his insatiable
curiosity with regard to the men and movements which
crossed his path. Thus here, as in every phase of Pius n's
career, it is the personal interest which predominates.
The tedious and somewhat profitless negotiations which
mark his activity as the arbiter of Europe are chiefly
interesting to-day as the means by which he gave expression
to his individuality. At the same time, his achievements
in the sphere of European politics afford a valuable object-
lesson as to the true position of the restored Papacy. A
modern, Italianised Papal monarchy had emerged from the
confusion of the previous generation. What part would
this new phenomenon play among the nations of Europe ?
Would the spiritual supremacy of the mediaeval Papacy
again become a reality ? Such were the questions which
called for solution when Pius n succeeded to the traditional

206

PIUS II AND EUROPE 207

leadership of Christendom, and set himself to shape the
destinies of Europe with the instruments that had proved
successful in the fashioning of his own career.

I. FRANCE

As the spiritual sovereign of Europe, Pius n had a
threefold task to perform. The removal of the Pragmatic
Sanction in France, the reconciliation of Bohemia with the
Catholic Church, and the restoration of order in Germany
by means of a reassertion of Papal authority, never ceased
to occupy his attention. Upon these three objects turned
the diplomacy of the Curia throughout his reign. With
regard to France, the gauntlet was thrown down at Mantua,
when Pius, in the presence of the admiring Cardinals, spoke
strong words conceming the wrong done to the authority
of the Holy See by the conditions which prevailed in the
Gallican Church.1 The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges
dated from the year 1438, when the French king, feeling
that he had little concern in the quarrel between Pope and
Council, resolved to deal practically with the situation and
to adopt by royal authority such of the Basel decrees as
seemed to meet the needs of his country.2 The Papal
rights with regard to ecclesiastical appointments, annates,
and appeals were either restricted or denied, and the
doctrines of the Conciliar movement concerning the
superiority and frequency of General Councils were em
bodied in the document. The whole tenor of the Pragmatic
Sanction made it a perpetual source of annoyance to the
restored Papacy, and it was by no means surprising that
the author of the Bull Execrabilis should at once single it
out for attack.

Charles vii promptly took up the challenge. He caused
a formal protest to be registered against the Pope's Mantuan
policy, bidding him beware of meddling with the Conciliar

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 87. Cf. pp. 176-8, above.

2 Cf . pp. 69-70, above.

208 POPE PIUS II

decrees, and offering his protection to any future Council
which might meet in France. Allusion was also made to
the Pope's championship of Ferrante, in terms which were
the reverse of courteous. ;< The Holy Father/' ran the
protest, " also spoke in favour of the party opposed to
King Ren6, saying much in praise of the Bastard that he
would have done far better to keep to himself." l The
envoys sent to negotiate with Charles vii about the
Crusade were kept for months without an answer,2 and
the presence of Pius n's arch-enemy, Gregory Heimburg,
at the French Court was further proof of the King's
hostility.

Nevertheless, from the point of view of the French
monarchy, the desirability of maintaining the Pragmatic
Sanction was at least an open question. Freedom of
election left the Cathedral Chapters at the mercy of anyone
strong enough to influence them, and the King found his
share of patronage exposed to constant encroachments
from the great nobles. Questions of jurisdiction had now
to be fought out with the Parlement and the University of
Paris, and these bodies proved no whit less tenacious than
the Roman Curia. The French Church was, in short, still
exploited, but the fact that the spoilers were Frenchmen
and not Italians made the Pragmatic Sanction acceptable
to the nation in spite of its abuses. Yet to a King whose
chief aim was to strengthen the royal authority, it seemed
even more dangerous to share his control of the Church
with his own subjects than with the Papacy. Such was
the view of the question which presented itself to the
Dauphin Louis. He at once ranged himself on the side of
Pius n, and entered on negotiations with Rome with an

1 Pithou, Preuves des libevtez de I'Eglise Gallicane, vol. ii. pp. 289-95.
M. Joannis Dauvet Procuratoris generalis protestatio nullitatis et
appellatio ad futuram Concilium contra Orationem Pii n Pontificis,
habitam in Conventu Mantuano, comminates ejusdem et censuras
publicatas in Carolum vn Regem Francorum, 1460.

2 Cf. Pius ii to Charles vn, March 1460. Quoted by Pastor, Appendix
38, from Archivio Secreto del Vaticano.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 209

enthusiasm bred of the knowledge that he was opposing
his father's policy.

When in July 1461 the Dauphin became King Louis xi,
he at once signified his intention of keeping his promises,
and Pius addressed a warm letter of congratulation and
encouragement to the new monarch. The letter contains
the following significant sentence : "If your prelates and
the University desire anything of us, let them approach
us through your mediation ; for no Pope has ever loved the
French nation more than ourselves, and we will refuse no
request that can honestly be granted." x It was clear
that Louis xi regarded the alliance with the Papacy as a
means of bringing the Gallican Church under his heel, and
that Pius was prepared to show his gratitude in a material
form. When in December the names of six new Cardinals
were published, those of two Frenchmen — Jouffroy, Bishop
of Arras, and Louis d' Alb ret — were among the number.
Just at this time came Louis xi's letter to the Pope an
nouncing that the Pragmatic Sanction was abolished.2
With tears of joy Pius told the news to his Consistory, and
all hailed it as a signal triumph for the restored Papacy.
" It is the greatest news that could come to the Apostolic
See," wrote Goro Lolli to the Sienese Republic. " In one
moment the Papacy has gained the Kingdom of France
and has won the full obedience of all Christians. God be
praised that during the reign of a Sienese Pope Holy
Church should be thus exalted. And," adds the practical
son of Siena, " it will be of no small advantage to our
own city, for those who seek the Curia will double the
number of travellers passing through our territories." 3

The exultant Pope addressed an autograph letter to
Louis xi, praising him for his noble action which showed
him to be " a true scion of the Franks, and Most Christian

1 Pius ii to Louis xi, Rome, 25 Oct. 1461 (Ep. 387, Opera, p.
861).

2 Louis xi to Pius 11, 27 Nov. 1461 (Ep. 388, Opera, p. 863).
3Gregorio Lolli to Siena, 26 Dec. 1461 (Pastor, Appendix 53, from

Archivio di Stato, Siena).

14

210 POPE PIUS II

King." 1 With it he sent a consecrated sword engraved
with an elegant verse of his own composition inciting the
French monarch to war against the Turk.2 It seemed,
indeed, as if Pius in a few short months had won all for which
his predecessors, from Eugenius onwards, had pleaded in
vain. The year ended in a glow of satisfaction with regard
to the French question. Yet 1462 had hardly dawned before
it transpired that Pius n's difficulties had begun rather
than ended with the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction.

From the time that Louis as Dauphin opened negotia
tions with the Papacy, his intermediary was the Burgundian
Bishop of Arras, whose chief concern throughout had been
to obtain a Cardinal's hat. " When Arras knew that he
had sailed into port, and that there was no more uncertainty
about the coveted honour, he began to write of Louis's
intentions with regard to Naples, a subject upon which
he had hitherto kept silence." 3 The upshot of his letters
was that Louis had constituted himself the champion of
Rene, and that he counted upon a complete reversal of
the Papal policy in Naples. " By this means the King's
wishes would be satisfied, and the Pragmatic Sanction
would certainly be revoked."

Shaken by the strength of the Angevin party in the
Curia, harassed by threats of a General Council, and of
direct intervention in Italy on the part of the French
crown, Pius n passed, as we have seen, through his worst
fit of irresolution with regard to his Neapolitan policy.4
Had it not been for the earnest representations of the
Milanese ambassador, it seems probable that he would
have succumbed to the pressure of France and abandoned

1 Pius ii to Louis xi, 13 Jan. 1462, " manu propria " (Ep. 27, ed.
Mediol.).

z Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 184 —

" Exerat in Turcas tua me Ludovic furentes
Dextera : Graiorum sanguinis ulta ero,
Corruet imperium Maumethis, et inclyta rursus
Gallorum virtus, te petet astra duce."
3 Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 186. 4 Cf . above, pp. 188-9.

PIUS II AND EUROPE

211

Ferrante to his fate. But when he received the French
embassy, which came to Rome in March 1462 to make
formal surrender of the Pragmatic Sanction, the Pope
had recovered from his panic. To the splendid offers of
all that the French King would do for the Crusade once
his cousin of Anjou reigned in Naples, the Pope replied
" so sweetly, so eloquently, and so persuasively that the
whole public Consistory was amazed." 1 The Sienese
ambassador describes the oration as " something so
glorious that it seemed divine rather than human." 2
Yet he was forced to admit that this oratorical triumph
had only been achieved by omitting all reference to two
subjects of paramount importance — the demands of the
French King with regard to Naples and Genoa. From
the point of view of the French envoys, the matter looked
very different. When, after weeks of negotiation, they
passed through Florence on their return journey, they
summed up the situation in terms which augured ill for
the future. " They said, in effect, that the Pope had
given them many words, but no good deeds." 3

The embassy of 1462 was followed by a long corre
spondence between Pius and Louis xi, in which the latter
tried by varying means to lure the Pope to the side of
Anjou, while the former employed his literary talents in
parrying the attacks of the French King. In the earlier
stages of the duel, Louis adopted the method of concession.
He performed an act of restitution in surrendering to the
Papacy the Counties of Die and Valence on the eastern
bank of the Rhone.4 He also proposed a marriage
between his daughter and Antonio Piccolomini shortly
after the latter had wedded his Aragonese bride. On the

1 B. Riverius, Report (Pastor, p. 150, from Archivio di Stato,
Milano) .

2 L. Petronius to Siena, Rome, 17 March 1462 (Pastor, Appendix 55,
from Archivio di Stato, Siena).

3 N. da Pontremoli to Francesco Sforza, Florence, 9 April 1462 (Pastor,
p. 153, from Archivio di Stato, Milano).

4 Raynaldus, Annales, 1462, Nos. 11-13.

212 POPE PIUS II

news that Antonio was already provided for, he heaped
reproaches upon the Pope for having sold himself to the
Aragonese. Pius, however, replied in his most urbane
manner that he had followed his usual practice with re
gard to his young relations, and had left the choice of a
wife entirely in Antonio's own hands.1

When the departure of John of Calabria from Naples
sealed the failure of Anjou, Louis let his fury break loose,
and concession was abandoned for something like open
hostility. The cause of his anger lay less in any concern
for the fortunes of his cousins than in the feeling that he
had been outwitted. He had thought to make the Pope
his grateful servant by surrendering the Pragmatic
Sanction. Neapolitan affairs had taught him his mistake,
and he determined to rob Pius n of the fruits of his victory
before it was too late. In the summer of 1462 the
Seneschal of Toulouse visited the Pope at Viterbo, and
delivered a threatening message to the effect that, if Pius
did not mend his ways, the French Cardinals would be re
called from the Curia. This was one of the comparatively
rare occasions on which Pius lost his temper, and the
diatribe which he poured forth upon the French nation
in general, and its representatives at the Curia in particular,
did not tend towards pacification. " Let them go, if they
please," he retorted ; " the Curia will not be brought to
ruin on that account. On the contrary, it will be repaired.
Avarice, simony, luxury, and ambition will go with them,
and all evil practices will cease with their departure. . . .
Blessed is the Pope who has no Gauls at his Court. . . .
Every day we have contended with them and their
improper and dishonest demands. Let them go ; let them
betake themselves afar. Then once more we may live
peaceably and devoutly." 2 After this episode it is not
surprising to hear of Louis writing a letter " unworthy
of his dignity, and as though he were the Pope's superior,"

1 Pius ii to Louis xi, Viterbo, 10 May 1462 (Ep. 33, Mediol.).

2 Cugnoni, p. 220 (omitted from Commentarii, viii. p. 202).

PIUS II AND EUROPE 213

in which he " condemned the works of the supreme Pontiff,
and prescribed for him rules of conduct." l

Meanwhile, feeling on the ecclesiastical problem in
France ran high. The students of the University found
vent for their indignation by performing a play in which
rats were seen devouring the seals of the Pragmatic
Sanction, and then receiving red hats. Every question
of jurisdiction, every appointment in the Gallican Church,
gave occasion for a struggle between the Pope and either
the University or the Crown. Finally, the year 1463
introduced a fresh stage of the conflict, and Louis de
liberately set himself to neutralise the surrender of the
Pragmatic Sanction. By a series of decrees, designed to
defend the French nation against " the aggressions of
Rome " and to restore " the ancient Gallican liberties,"
the Papacy was deprived of much of the practical ad
vantage which it had gained by the restoration of
obedience. " The King did not show himself so religious
by the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction as he showed
himself sacrilegious by issuing such decrees," 2 is Pius n's
comment on the situation. In the same year the Cardinal
of Arras left Rome, to become as zealous a promoter of
Louis xi 's anti-Papal policy as he had once been of his
alliance with the Pope. Meanwhile the French King
opened negotiations with Pius n's enemies in Germany,
and even went so far as to coquet with George of Bohemia's
darling scheme of a secular Crusade against the Turk.

Thus the relations between France and the Papacy
at the end of Pius n's reign were hardly less strained
than they had been at the beginning. The most that
could be said was that formal obedience had been restored ;
the obnoxious name of Pragmatic Sanction was no more,
and it remained for successive kings to render the anti-
Papal decrees more or less operative as seemed best to
meet the political exigencies of the moment. From first
to last the question of the Gallican Church had been

1 Qommentarii, lib. jtii. pp, 323-4. * Ibid., p. 324,

214 POPE PIUS II

treated from the point of view of politics. On the accession
of Louis xi the political situation was favourable to an
understanding with the Papacy, and Pius, like a clever
diplomatist, had seized the propitious moment to secure
his brief triumph. He made the most of his opportunity
while it lasted, so far as he could do so without sacrifice
of his Italian policy. But now France had nothing more
to gain from friendship with Rome. The political tide
had set in a contrary direction, and the Pope was power
less to stem it.

II. BOHEMIA

Pius n's treatment of the Bohemian problem forms
perhaps the most disappointing episode in the history of
his dealings with Europe. At the time of his accession,
the question seemed ripe for settlement, and Pius the
man of all others fitted to bring about a satisfactory
solution. George Podiebrad, who had been chosen King
of Bohemia after the death of Ladislas Postumus, was,
for his part, sincerely desirous of a reconciliation with
Rome. He was, as ^Eneas said of him, a prey to political
ambition rather than to theological error,1 and recognition
by Rome seemed to him the only means of securing the
allegiance of his Catholic subjects. On 7 May 1458 he
had been crowned by two Catholic Bishops, acting with
the consent of Calixtus in, and he had sworn to them in
secret to do his utmost to restore his people to the faith
and discipline of the Catholic Church. He was, in short,
prepared to accept any compromise that would remove
the taint of heresy from his kingdom, and at the same
time satisfy the mass of his subjects who clung to
Utraquism as the symbol of their faith and of their
nationality. Pius n, on his side, fully appreciated the
difficulties of the situation. Only three years before his
accession he pleaded for the recognition of the Compacts

1 Qommentarii, lib. i. p. 18,

PIUS II AND EUROPE 215

as the one hope of bringing back Bohemia to the fold,1
while his knowledge of the Bohemian people naturally
inclined him to deal sympathetically with the religious
question. It seemed as if Pope and King were ready to
work together for a common end, and that their efforts
would be crowned with success. Yet this apparent
unanimity concealed a fundamental flaw which accounted
for all subsequent failure. Both Pope and King desired
the reconciliation of Bohemia with the Church, but each
of them regarded it as a means to an end, and worked
for it only in so far as it served his ultimate object.
George's aim was to rule over a loyal and united people ;
therefore a reconciliation with Rome which alienated his
Hussite subjects had no attractions for him. Pius
sought to re-establish the Papal supremacy over an
undivided Christendom ; therefore he was not prepared
to give peace to Bohemia at the cost of countenancing
national separatism in matters ecclesiastical. Neither
Pope nor King had any illusions about the dilemma in
which they found themselves. George knew that Rome
would not accept any compromise that would satisfy the
Hussites. Pius, as his earlier advocacy of the Compacts
showed, realised that Bohemia could only be won by
recognising her peculiar rites. Each, however, relied on
his own diplomatic gifts to steer him through the difficulty.
It was, in fact, a struggle of wits between two well-matched
combatants.

The negotiations which followed Pius n's accession
were entirely harmonious. When the Bohemian envoys
came to proffer their obedience to the Pope at Siena, he
refused to recognise George as King until he had made
public profession of orthodoxy. But Pius could not
remain obdurate in the face of Podiebrad's lavish offers of
support against the Turk, and the letter inviting ambassadors
to attend the Congress of Mantua spoke of " our dear son

1Cf. Oratio habita coram Calixto III de Compactatis Bohemorum, 1453
(Pii II Orationes, Mansi, vol. i. p. 352).

216 POPE PIUS II

in Christ the King of the Bohemians." 1 On George's reply
that he could do nothing to further either the Crusade
or the question of reunion until he was lord over all his
people, Pius sent envoys to Bohemia who did much to
secure George's recognition by his Catholic subjects. Even
the fiery Catholics of Breslau consented to a three years'
truce, on the expiration of which they would do homage
to their King as " a true and undoubted Catholic." This
truce (13 January 1460) evoked general rejoicing. George
was loud in his expressions of gratitude, and Pius looked
forward to the speedy arrival of an embassy which
would bring the affair of Bohemia to a triumphant con
clusion.2

The embassy, like others of its kind, was long in coming,
and it was not until March 1462 that the Bohemians entered
Rome, headed by Pius n's old friend, Procopius von
Rabstein, and a Hussite noble, Sdenek Kostka of Postupic.
In the two years' interval the course of events, both in
Bohemia and Rome, had placed fresh obstacles in the way
of reconciliation. Complaints had come from Breslau that
the recent edicts of Rokycana, the Hussite Archbishop of
Prag, were forcing good Catholics either to accept the
chalice or to leave the country.3 At the same time, George's
friendly relations with the Papacy had so alarmed the
Hussites that they required their King to give a solemn
promise to stand by the Compacts. Procopius stated the
dilemma fairly enough when he explained to Bessarion
that George was lord over two kinds of people in Bohemia,
and that it was impossible for him to favour one party
without shaking the loyalty of the other.4 As to Pius, he
had already grown suspicious of the good faith of his
" beloved son." " He is half a heretic, a deceiver from

1 Pius ii to Procopius von Rabstein, Mantua, 12 June 1459 (Pastor,
Appendix 16, from Archivio Secreto del Vaticano).

2Cf. Pius ii to Carvajal, Siena, 12 March 1460 (Raynaldus, 1460,
No. 92) ; and Voigt, iii. pp. 448-51.

3 Cf. Voigt, vol. iii. p. 452.

4 Palacky, Geschichte von Bohmen, Bd. iv. (2), p. 220.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 217

his cradle, and is not to be trusted," 1 he told the Milanese
ambassador. Moreover, the worst crises of Pius n's reign
were over with the year 1461. Both at home and abroad
the position of the Papacy was improving. In the very
week that the Bohemians arrived in Rome, the French
embassy came to surrender the Pragmatic Sanction. It
was not a time to make concessions. The shining example
of the French King was held up before the Bohemians, and,
in an interview with Procopius, Cardinal Bessarion pointed
out that the effect of Louis xi's obedience had been to give
him full control over the Church in his realm. " Your
King," he added, " has only to act in a like manner to
receive a like reward." 2

On 20 March the Bohemians had their first public
audience with the Pope. After the customary proffer of
obedience, the Hussites petitioned for the confirmation of
the Compacts, and Pius, in a two hours' oration, pointed
out the misery and confusion which they had brought to
Bohemia. It was not, he said, a case of confirming them
but of setting them aside.3 Various other conferences
followed, which must have reminded Pius very forcibly
of the proceedings which he witnessed in his youth at Basel.
Then as now the Hussites came to argue as equals, or
rather as those who had been singled out by Divine favour
for special enlightenment. Pius, as the Council before him,
was prepared to pass judgment as a superior, and to treat
the Compacts, which the Hussites regarded as their in
violable right, as a purely temporary concession. Accord
ing to the Pope's view of the matter, the time for concession
was over, and in the final audience on 31 March he made
clear his position.4 The Compacts had been broken re
peatedly by the Hussites ; they had offended the Bohemian
Catholics, they had encouraged heretical beliefs, they had
impeded friendly relations between Bohemia and her

1 D. Carretto to Francesco Sforza, 12 March 1462 (Pastor, p. 225).

2 Palacky, op. cit. 3 Commentarii, vii. pp. 188-9.
4 Mansi, Pii II Orationes, vol. ii. p. 93.

2i8 POPE PIUS II

neighbours, they had proved harmful to the country's
true welfare. " Because we desire your salvation," Pius
concluded, " we refuse your request." Thereupon the
Papal procurator, Antonio da Gubbio, came forward, and
read the following declaration : " Our most Holy Lord
Pope has extinguished and destroyed the Compacts granted
by the Council of Basel to the Bohemians, and has said that
Communion under both kinds is in nowise necessary to
salvation, nor will he hold the obedience made to be real
obedience until the King, uprooting and extirpating all
errors, has brought the kingdom of Bohemia into union
with the Roman Church." l The decisive step had been
taken, and Pius hoped that he had put an end to George's
procrastinations and evasions and had forced him to
abandon the Utraquists. When the Bohemians came to
take their leave, Pius received them in the garden and
talked confidentially and persuasively to the Hussite
leaders. He witnessed their departure in the firm belief
that his measures had succeeded, and that the submission
of Bohemia would soon be an accomplished fact.

George was now forced to declare himself. In this
respect at any rate Papal diplomacy had not erred. Yet,
contrary to Pius n's calculations, George repudiated his
coronation oath, disregarded his repeated promises, and took
his stand openly and decisively on the side of the Hussites.
His speech at the Diet of Prag in August amounted to a
declaration of war upon the Papacy. As an answer to
the charge of not fulfilling his coronation oath, he read the
words of the oath to the assembled multitude, and then
said, " in the Bohemian tongue" : " You have heard that
we swore to renounce heresy and to rid our kingdom of
heretics. Know, then, that we have no love for heretics ;
but the Pope desires to treat Communion under both kinds
and our Compacts as heresy. This we never contemplated,
as they are founded on Christ's Gospel and are an heritage
of the primitive Church, granted to us by the Council of

1 Palacky, Urkundliche Beitrdge, p. 269 {Ponies rerum Austriacarum, xx.).

PIUS II AND EUROPE 219

Basel in acknowledgment of our virtue and devotion. . . .
We were born and brought up in this Communion, and in
it, by the grace of God, we have attained to kingly dignity.
We shall cleave to it and defend it, and in it we shall live and
die. Our Consort, sitting at our right hand, our children,
and all who love us, must also live in conformity with the
Compacts ; for we hold that there is no other way for the
salvation of our souls." l

Not content with repudiating the authority of Rome
in his own country, Podiebrad threw himself into an
elaborate scheme for undermining the position of the
Papacy in Europe. His agent was a certain Anton Marini
of Grenoble, who startled the world by his proposition that
Christian princes and nations would never cease to cling
to Rome as long as the Holy See alone took thought for
the defence of Christendom against the Turk.2 The
principal features of the scheme were the initiation of a
secular Crusade with the object of placing George of Bohemia
upon the throne of Constantinople, and the reform of the
Church by means of a General Council of European Princes.
For the next two years Marini travelled to and fro between
the various Courts of Europe, endeavouring to enlist under
his banner all elements of opposition to the Papacy. Yet
his scheme was too revolutionary and fantastic even for
the fifteenth century. Louis xi might welcome his proposals
as a means of bringing pressure to bear upon the Papacy,
but he had no real intention of making common cause
with Bohemian heretics. The scheme did not enlist the
sympathies of Europe, and Venice only expressed public
opinion in saying that, much as she welcomed Marini's
proposals for a Crusade, the co-operation of the Head of
Christendom was necessary to give weight to the under
taking.3 Nevertheless, the blow to Papal prestige was

1 Palacky, Urkundliche Beitrdge, p. 275. Cf. also Commentarii, lib. x.
P- 237-

2 Cf . Palacky, Geschichte Bohmens, iv. (2), pp. 239-40; Voigt, iii.
pp. 487 seq.

3 Palacky, Urkundliche Beitrdge, pp. 289-90,

220 POPE PIUS II

sufficiently severe, and it sealed the failure of Pius n's re
lations with Bohemia. He had hoped to win George Podie-
brad by friendly support, and then to clench his victory by
a display of firmness at the critical moment. George had
used Papal support to strengthen his hold upon Bohemia,
and then, when the Papal alliance no longer served him, he
had abandoned it without scruple. Pius n had, for once, been
worsted in a diplomatic struggle. He thought to manipu
late the King of Bohemia for his own purposes ; he learned,
to his mortification, that he had been used as George's tool.
Even after the Diet of Prag, Pius still hoped for re
conciliation. When Podiebrad constituted himself the
champion of the Emperor, and Frederick besought Pius
to stay his hand, the latter agreed to postpone proceedings
against " George, who calls himself King of the Bohemians/'
on condition that the Catholics of Breslau were not molested.1
Yet in the end he was forced to recognise that George's
movements towards friendship were mere attempts to gain
time. In the last Consistory which Pius held at the
Vatican (16 June 1464) it was decided to proceed against
George as a perjured and relapsed heretic, and a Bull was
drawn up summoning him to Rome.2 But before the
Bull could take effect Pius n was no more, and the Bohemian
problem remained to occasion fresh controversy and fresh
warfare during the reign of his successor.

III. GERMANY

If in France and Bohemia Pius n found himself pitted
against the forces of centralisation and nationality, in
Germany he had to contend with the many-headed monster
of disorder. A mortal sickness, said Nicholas of Cusa,
had attacked the Holy Roman Empire. Amid the general
tale of weakness, irresolution, and inefficiency which con
stitutes the history of the Empire at this period, one

1 Cf. Cugnoni, pp. 145-54, and Pastor, vol. iii. p. 239.
2Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. 239, and Voigt, iii. p. 500.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 221

policy alone was pursued with consistency and effect —
namely, the policy of the great territorial nobles in trans
forming themselves from feudatories into sovereign princes.
To this land of warring interests and divided authority
Pius sought to restore some measure of unity in order that
the forces of the Empire might be concentrated upon the
Crusade. The difficulties in his path were gigantic, but
his intimate knowledge of German politics was a definite
asset in his favour. Personal experience enabled him to
take the measure of Imperial Diets and Electoral Leagues,
and prevented him from being too much discouraged by
the apathy of the one or unduly alarmed at the transitory
opposition of the other. Yet his former connection with
Germany had one disadvantage. y£neas Silvius had
belonged of necessity to the Imperial party, and Pius n
found it impossible to dissociate himself from the friendships
and enmities of earlier years. Thus he approached German
politics as a partisan when he should have appeared as an
arbiter, with the inevitable result that many of his diffi
culties were partly of his own making.

In 1459, the chief element of disturbance in Germany
lay in the strife between the two great territorial families
of Wittelsbach and Hohenzollern.1 Louis, Duke of Bavaria,
who headed the party of opposition to the Emperor, had
laid violent hands upon the free city of Donauwerth ;
Albert Achilles, the brother of the Elector of Brandenburg,
who posed as the Emperor's agent and ally, had been
charged with the task of punishing the outrage. Pius n
knew enough of German princes to realise that the Crusade
would gain scant attention so long as the affair of Donau
werth remained undecided, and he arranged for his legates
to act as arbiters in the dispute. Yet, whereas his impres
sions of Louis of Bavaria were derived chiefly from that
sunny morning when the Duke refused to leave his hunting
in order to accompany ^Eneas Silvius to the Congress of
Regensburg, Albert of Brandenburg was a favourite of

1 Cf. Voigt, iii. pp. 213-9.

222 POPE PIUS II

many years' standing. The ruling of the Papal legates
proved so manifestly one-sided that the Wittelsbach party
refused to accept the settlement. In the spring of 1460
war broke out with fresh vehemence, just at the time
when Cardinal Bessarion arrived in Germany to negotiate
with the princes upon the subject of the Crusade.

The intrepid Greek Cardinal embarked upon his mission
in the spirit of an enthusiast and a martyr. At the age of
sixty-five he crossed the Alps in midwinter, ready for any
sacrifice that would serve the cause which he had at heart.
But he was not prepared for the blank indifference with
which the whole Turkish question was regarded in Germany.
At the Diet of Niirnberg, his impassioned exhortations fell
on deaf ears ; and although he could not restrain his tears
as he told of fresh disasters upon the Hungarian frontier,
his audience remained unmoved. " Few were gathered
to meet him, and he received scant attention from those
present," 1 is the Pope's poignant epitome of the proceed
ings. Further deliberations were postponed until the
autumn, owing to the Hohenzollern- Wittelsbach war, but
the Diet which eventually met at Vienna was as abortive
as its predecessor. Albert Achilles, who had been defeated
in the field and forced to sign a humiliating peace, was in
no mood for a Crusade. Any attempt to secure the levy
of the Turkish tithe evoked opposition. The princes, said
the Chronicler of Speyer, had " too many wars among
themselves to seek another with the Turk." 2 To the fiery
old Cardinal the situation became intolerable, and in
November he was already writing piteous letters to Rome,
begging to be recalled.

Pius ii replied with exhortations to patience and modera
tion, holding up CarvajaTs long sojourn in Hungary as an
example of persevering devotion to the Church's cause.
Yet the fact that Diether, Archbishop of Mainz, who had
sided with the Hohenzollern in the recent war, appeared

1 Pius ii to the German princes, 8 July 1460 (Raynaldus, 1460, No. 85).

2 Cf. Voigt, iii. p. 223.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 223

in the party of opposition at Vienna, did not contribute
to his peace of mind.1 The causes of Diether's change of
front lay outside the main questions at issue, in a private
quarrel with the Papacy. In 1459 Diether was made
Archbishop of Mainz, but there was some doubt as to the
validity of his election, and Pius demanded his personal
appearance at the Curia before confirming him in the
possession of the see. Diether did not obey the summons,
and eventually the Bull of confirmation was given to his
envoys on condition that he should come to Italy within
a year, and pay the annates which had been promised on
his behalf. But Diether, says Pius n, " was distinguished
not so much by his noble birth as by perfidy and ambition." 2
Once secure of his position, he repudiated his obligations,
vowed that the payments required of him were excessive
and unprecedented, and finally had recourse to the time-
honoured device of an appeal to a General Council. Sentence
of excommunication had already been pronounced upon
him when the Diet of Vienna enabled him to use the
political situation for his own ends. By placing himself
at the head of the anti-Papal, anti-Imperial party, he hoped
to frighten the Curia into submission on the question of
annates, and, as Primate of the German Church, to win
for himself new independence of the Papacy. "There are
two objects," the Archbishop announced, " upon which I
have set my heart. If I can accomplish them I shall die
happy. One is that we should depose our feeble Emperor
and put a better man in his place. The other is that we
should free ourselves from the yoke of the Apostolic See." 3
Before the year (1460) was out he had joined with the Elector
Palatine in a scheme for making George Podiebrad King
of the Romans, and for the settlement of the German
Church upon lines largely independent of the Papacy.

1 Diether was not present in person at Vienna, but his representative
took a prominent part in the opposition to Bessarion. Cf. Pastor, iii.
pp. 168-9.

2 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 64.

3 Cugnoni, p. 207 (omitted from Commentarii, lib. v. p. 126).

224 POPE PIUS II

The alliance between Diether and the King of Bohemia
proved less dangerous to the Papacy than might have been
expected, owing to the fact that George, at this period, was
anxious to avoid giving offence to Pius n. Hard words
were spoken of both Pope and Emperor at the assembly
of princes at Bamberg, but George contrived that effective
opposition should be directed against the Emperor alone.
Diether, however, persisted in his enmity. In February
1461 he threw down a fresh challenge by taking into his
service the arch-enemy of the Holy See and of its present
occupant, Gregory Heimburg. Nearly fifteen years had
passed since the first round of the duel between Heimburg
and ^Eneas Silvius, but the memory of his defeat still rankled
in Heimburg' s mind, and the episode of the Congress of
Mantua had by no means satiated his desire for vengeance.
Thus Gregory and Diether made common cause over their
personal antipathy to Pius n, and their alliance brought
the Mainz dispute into relation with a still more burning
problem of German ecclesiastical politics — the quarrel
between Sigismund of Tyrol and Nicholas of Cusa, Bishop
of Brixen.

The origin of the Brixen quarrel was not of Pius n's
making.1 It lay as far back as the year 1450, when Nicholas
of Cusa was appointed to the vacant see, and determined
to put his reforming principles into practice by making his
own diocese a model of organisation and discipline. Cusa's
appointment was a breach of the Concordat of Vienna, the
choice of the Chapter having been overridden in his favour.
Thus patriotic sentiment was against him from the first,
and the misplaced zeal with which he attempted to force
his own standards of order upon his flock soon brought
matters to a crisis. Cusa was a mystic of the type of S.
Bernard, in that he combined all the charm and tenderness
of mystical thought with a certain harshness and rigidity
in action. Aghast at the moral degradation and lax dis-

1 The whole subject is treated exhaustively in Jager, Der Streit des
Cardinals Nicolaits von Cusa mit dem Hevzoge Sigmund von (Esterreich.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 225

cipline of the monasteries under his charge, he did not
pause to consider the expediency or possibility of carrying
out drastic reforms which found no sanction in public
opinion. Journeying from monastery to monastery, he
prescribed rules and put down abuses, but the reforms which
he effected hardly survived the hour when he pronounced
his farewell blessing. Among his most vehement opponents
were the nuns of Sonnenberg, a Benedictine convent under
the protection of Count Sigismund, which formed a favourite
retreat for the daughters of the Tyrolese nobility. Eventu
ally the Abbess Verena was excommunicated by Cusa, and her
indignant nuns appealed against the sentence to Sigismund.
The question then resolved itself into a duel between Count
and Bishop over their respective rights as temporal and
spiritual overlords of the convent. At the time of Pius n's
election, Cusa had already fled from the diocese, saying
that his life was in danger ; Sigismund lay under sentence
of excommunication, and the rebellious nuns had been
driven from Sonnenberg by force of arms.

Despite these overt acts of hostility, both Count and
Bishop honestly desired a settlement, and Pius n's accession
afforded some hope of bringing the matter to a peaceful
conclusion. ^Eneas Silvius and Nicholas of Cusa were
men of widely divergent type, but they had been intimately
associated since the days when they both hung upon the
words of Cesarini at Basel. Sigismund conceived a liking
for .^Eneas Silvius during the period of his sojourn at the
Imperial Court. He was the recipient of one of ^neas's
treatises on education, and he adopted him in the double
capacity of tutor and friend. Both Cusa and Sigismund,
therefore, were disposed to accept the Pope's mediation,
and Pius was sincerely anxious to act fairly by them. Un
fortunately, there were two factors in the dispute which
made the failure of attempts at settlement almost a fore
gone conclusion. One was Cusa's rigid, unsympathetic
spirit ; the other was the interposition of Heimburg as
Sigismund's chief spokesman and agent.
15

226 POPE PIUS II

By the time that the Brixen quarrel came before the
Pope at Mantua, the original cause of the dispute, " the
rebellion of Jezebel," as Cusa termed it, was at an end.
The Abbess Verena had done penance and received absolu
tion, and a new Abbess was reigning in her stead. But the
Bishop had contrived to alienate all classes in his diocese.
The clergy resented the importation of foreign ecclesiastics
from Cusa's native Rhineland. The nobles disliked the
stricter regime imposed upon their daughters at Sonnen-
berg. The populace was alienated by the suppression of
certain annual fairs and public dances. Thus Sigismund
was conscious of having public opinion behind him, and
when Cusa put forward a claim to rank as a Prince of the
Empire, and as such to reckon the Count of Tyrol among
his vassals, the opposition of his adversary was stiffened.
Nevertheless, a temporary reconciliation was obtained
under the Pope's auspices, and both Count and Bishop
agreed to leave the technical points in dispute to be deter
mined by legal process. Yet, owing to Heimburg's share
in the proceedings, Sigismund quitted Mantua in doubt as
to the Pope's good faith, while Pius was left sore and irri
tated by Heimburg's spiteful references to past history,
knowing that the worst interpretation would be placed
upon his actions.

Five months after the settlement at Mantua, Cusa was
a prisoner in Sigismund's hands. The quarrel broke out
again immediately after Cusa's return to Tyrol, and in
April 1460, when the Bishop was at Briineck, Sigismund
surrounded the town with troops, took forcible possession
of Cusa's person, and only released him after he had signed
a treaty yielding all that his captor asked. Cusa then left
for Italy, never to return, and to Pius fell the unwelcome
task of punishing the outrage. Sigismund had acted
under strong provocation, but such violent measures
threatened the whole position of the Church, and Pius
could not do less than summon him to Rome for trial.
Sigismund replied by an appeal to a better-instructed Pope,

PIUS II AND EUROPE 227

which was rather an assumption that Pius did not know
the circumstances than a defiance of his authority. But
to Pius, fresh from the Bull Execrabilis, any appeal was
obnoxious ; and on the Count's failure to appear in Rome,
sentence of excommunication was pronounced against him.
This was followed, in August 1460, by a second appeal,
drawn up by Heimburg, and calculated in its every phrase
to render the breach with the Papacy irreparable. The new
appeal was disseminated throughout Germany and Italy.
It formed the prelude to a war of writings between the Pope
and Heimburg, which gave rise to great display of literary
talent, but which contributed little to the dignity of the
Holy See. Pius made the fatal mistake of descending to
a personal attack upon his rival. He wrote to the citizens
of Niirnberg warning them against " that son of the devil,
Gregory Heimburg," the instigator of Sigismund's wrong
doing, who had composed the " impious and seditious
appeal to a future Council. . . . For this deed, and because
he is a chatterer, a liar, presumptuous, and rebellious, we
have excommunicated him. We exhort you, therefore,
to hold this pestiferous fellow as excommunicate and
deprived of the privileges of citizenship." x

Heimburg promptly took up the challenge, and made
a detailed indictment of Pius n, as a private person, as a
politician, and as a Pope, which rivalled the fiercest of
humanist invectives.2 " The Pope," he wrote, " calls me
a chatterer, but he himself is more garrulous than a mag
pie. ... I, at least, have not despised the precepts of Civil
and Canon Law. He is content with pure verbosity, and
is of the number of those who think that everything can be
ruled by rhetoric. . . . He accuses me of greed, falsehood,
and rebellion ... let him consider his own past life."
With regard to the political situation, Germany is ex
horted to hold fast that which has been gained. " The
Council is the fortress of your liberties, the foundation-

1 Pius ii to Nuremberg, 18 Oct. 1460 (Ep. 400, Opera, p. 932).
8 January 1461. Cf. Freher, Rer. Ger. Script., vol. ii. pp. 211-5.

228 POPE PIUS II

stone of your dignity." 1 The supremacy of General
Councils must be recognised as the last stronghold of resist
ance to Papal aggression, and Heimburg himself as its
most whole-hearted champion. " This," he cries, in his
final manifesto, " this is the heresy of Gregory — his con
stancy in resisting Papal avarice. This is the sacrilege of
Gregory — his championship of liberty, his defence of the
Holy Councils threatened by the Mantuan decree. This
is his treason — he disturbed the Papal plot for spoiling
Germany." 2

Such was the condition of the Brixen quarrel when
Heimburg entered the service of Archbishop Diether, in
February 1461, on the day before the opening of the Diet of
Niirnberg. Everything combined to make this Diet the
climax of German opposition to the Papacy. At Heim-
burg's instigation, Diether issued a formal appeal to a future
General Council, and committed himself and his cause to its
protection. The rival houses of Wittelsbach and Hohen-
zollern united in his support, and letters of protest were
addressed to the Pope against the exorbitant demands of
the Curia with regard to the Mainz annates, and against
Bessarion's attempts to raise money for the Crusade. To
set a seal upon the whole agitation, Heimburg was dis
patched to the Court of France to consult with Charles vii
over the possibility of combined action against Pope and
Emperor. A letter addressed to Pius n by Cardinal
Bessarion in March 1461 shows the gravity of the situation.
The complaints about the levy of Turkish tithes, Bes
sarion informed his master, were the outward expression of
a many-sided opposition to the Papacy. In the first
place, the Pope was regarded as " quite devoted to the
Emperor," and was hated by the princes for this reason
alone. Hardly less serious was " the disgraceful in-

1 Freher, Rev. Gey. Script., p. 212.

2 Apologia Gregorii Heimburg contra detractiones et blasphemias Theodori
Laelii (Freher, pp. 228-55). The whole controversy is given both in
Freher and in Goldast, Monarchia, T. ii. pp. 1576-1634.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 229

gratitude of Diether," who paid not the slightest heed to
the Papal excommunication, and in whose household Rome
was reviled daily. " The extravagances from the pen of
the shameless heretic, Gregory Heimburg," added fuel to
the fire, which was fanned both by the Pope's enemies in
France and by " the perpetual complaints of Duke Sigis-
mund." l

Confronted by this union of hostile forces, Pius could
not but tremble for his whole position in Germany. Yet
it was precisely in these crises that his knowledge of
German methods stood him in good stead. He knew
that the opposition was less formidable than it appeared,
just because there was no real union between its con
stituent parts. Diether of Mainz, the Brandenburg
princes, Sigismund of Tyrol, might act together for the
moment in order to serve their private ends ; they were
incapable of sinking personal interests in a common move
ment for the good of Germany. Thus Bessarion's report
caused no vital change in the Papal policy. Its chief
effect was to bring to the unhappy Cardinal his long-
coveted release. Pius realised that he was ill and depressed,
and that he could do no further good in Germany. In
September, Bessarion left for Rome, thankful to be quit
of a task in which his failure was already proved, and to
turn his back on a country where " Greek and Latin
culture were not esteemed." Pius, meanwhile, awaited
the inevitable jealousies which would act upon this formid
able coalition as the summer sun upon the snows.

He had not long to wait. The very Diet of Niirnberg
which marked the triumph of the anti-Papal, anti-Imperial
party contained the germ of its dissolution. George of
Bohemia had for some time past aspired to be King of
the Romans, and now that the deposition of the Emperor
was actually mooted, it seemed possible that he would
attain his ambition. The Elector of Brandenburg,

1 Cardinal Bessarion to Pius n, Vienna, 29 March 1461 (Pastor, pp. 173-5,
from Archivio Secreto del Vaticano, Arm. xxxix. T. 10, f. 3).

230 POPE PIUS II

however, declared that he would rather die than consent
to the election of the Bohemian King.1 Thus his adherence
to the party of opposition at Niirnberg was prompted by
the desire to neutralise George's influence, and in all
probability to press the claims of his brother, Albert Achilles.
Meanwhile Albert played a double game, revealing the
projects of the princes to Frederick in " in deep secrecy,"
and claiming that he had acted throughout as the Em
peror's champion.2 George, meanwhile, negotiated with
Pius n, offering to restore Bohemia to the Roman obedi
ence and to head the Crusade in person, if the Pope
would recognise him as King of the Romans. The result
of these intrigues was to unite Pope and Emperor against
a common foe. " They seek to lay down the law to us
both, and to diminish the authority of the Holy Roman
Church and Empire," wrote Frederick to the Pope. " It
behoves us to bear one another's burdens in love, and to
support one another with mutual counsel and aid." 3
Pius replied with warm words of encouragement and
friendship. "Be of good cheer ; it is difficult to over
throw the Apostolic See and the Roman Empire at the
same time. Their roots are planted too deep for the
wind to prevail against them, although we who are poised
on their summit must expect to feel the blast. Our part
is to persevere, and by solid virtue to defeat the machina
tions of evil men." 4

Having thus fortified each other for the struggle, Pope
and Emperor set themselves to dissolve the opposition
by the time-honoured means. Frederick sent his Marshal
through Germany in order to dissuade individual princes
from attending the proposed Diet at Frankfort. Pius
commissioned his envoys to treat separately with the

1 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 126.

2 Palacky, Geschichte von Bohmen, iv. 2, p. 179. Cf. also Voigt, iii.

PP- 241-51-

3 Frederick in to Pius n, 7 April 1461 ; Birk, Urkunden Auszuge mr
Geschichte Kaiser Friedrich III, 1452-67.

4 Pius n to Frederick in, 7 May 1461 (Ep. 22, ed. Mediolanum) .

PIUS II AND EUROPE 231

various persons who had grievances against the Holy See.
So well did these tactics succeed that, before the time
came for the Diet, the city of Frankfort had refused to
receive the assembly within its walls ; Albert Achilles,
the Elector Palatine, and the Archbishop of Trier had
withdrawn their appeal to a General Council ; and Diether
of Mainz was practically isolated. He would probably
have yielded without further delay but for the determina
tion of Heimburg, who persuaded the Archbishop to re
ceive the Diet in his own city of Mainz.

The proceedings which took place at Mainz in May
and June 1461 completed the triumph of the Papal party.
The question was raised as to whether Heimburg, being
excommunicate, should be allowed to address the Diet.
Diether, however, overrode the protests of the Papal
Legates, and Heimburg spoke in his usual strain. " His
oration was so full of blasphemies and errors that hence
forth he was called not Gregorius but Errorius." 1 Then,
in an able and trenchant speech, the Papal envoy, Rudolf
of Rudesheim, vindicated the authority and policy of the
Curia. He won a notable victory for his cause. " The
Diet, persuaded by his oration, did nothing that Diether
asked. Gregory departed in confusion, and the witnesses
produced on Diether 's behalf gave evidence against him." *
Such is the sweeping summary of the Commentaries, and
although Pius may have overrated the influence of his
representative, the fact remains that the opposition was
utterly broken down.3 Diether could only make abject
submission to the Papacy. " He called the Papal Legates
to him and spake much of what had been done, promising
to be henceforth another man, to renounce the appeal,
and to obey Pius for the rest of his life." 4 In this

1 Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 143. Pastor (iii. p. 200) maintains that Gregory
was prevented from speaking, but cf. Lesca, p. 154.

2 Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 145.

3 Cf . Voigt, iii. pp. 254-60, who considers the Archbishop of Trier and
the Brandenburg envoys the chief instruments of the victory.

* Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 145.

232 POPE PIUS II

chastened frame of mind he no longer required the services
of Gregory Heimburg, and the latter retired in disgust
to the Court of Sigismund of Tyrol. Thus ended another
round of the duel between Heimburg and ^Eneas, leaving
the fruits of the victory on the whole with the latter.
But Heimburg had dealt his adversary some hard blows.
His pertinacity was unbounded, and he looked forward
with undiminished ardour to fresh encounters in the
future.

The Diet of Mainz marked a definite stage in German
ecclesiastical history. From the time of the declaration
of neutrality in 1438 there had been signs of a movement
for reforming the German Church on national lines,
through the concerted action of the princes. The move
ment had always been tentative and feeble. It may
even be said that it had, from the first, been doomed to
failure, because the princes, with whom territorial interests
were paramount, could never bring themselves to give it
persistent and whole-hearted support. A grant of privileges
which would increase his hold over the Church in his own
dominions was sufficient to turn the keenest patriot from
his path. Now, however, this national reform move
ment was definitely at an end. The victory of Papal su
premacy over German independence, begun by ^Eneas
Silvius in the Concordat of Vienna, had been completed
by Pius ii at the Diet of Mainz. Pius had still to face
considerable opposition in Germany. The problems of
Mainz and Brixen, to take the two most prominent
examples, were by no means solved. But of organised
national opposition he knew no more. His remorseless
power of seeing things as they are had pierced the hollow-
ness of German patriotism, and his diplomacy had enabled
him to expose it.

For more than two years after the Diet of Mainz
the quarrel over the Archbishopric continued to harass
Germany. Diether's promises were made only to be
broken, and in 1461 he was deposed from his office, Adolf

PIUS II AND EUROPE 233

of Nassau being made Archbishop in his stead. There
followed a protracted struggle between Adolf and Diether
for the possession of the see. The quarrel became part
of the great Wittelsbach-Hohenzollern feud, and civil war
devastated the unhappy diocese. At last, in October
1462, Adolf succeeded in capturing the city of Mainz, and
from that time forward Diether became amenable to
negotiation. The reconciliation was effected by the new
Archbishop of Cologne, a brother of the Count Palatine,
and in October 1463 Diether agreed to recognise Adolf as
Archbishop, retaining a certain portion of territory in his
own hands. On these terms he made his peace with the
Papacy and received absolution. Meanwhile, the affairs
of the Emperor, always closely associated with those of
the Pope, also took a favourable turn. In the autumn
of 1462, when he was besieged in the citadel of Vienna by
his own Austrian subjects, headed by his brother Albert,
he found an unexpected ally in George of Bohemia. ' Poor
Germany, miserable Christendom," sighed Pius n ; " the
Emperor can only be saved by a heretic King." 1 Owing
to the heretic's timely intervention, Frederick was able
to tide over the crisis until the death of his brother Albert
in December 1463 ended his most serious difficulties.

When his own horizon had cleared, Frederick set himself
to effect a reconciliation between the Pope and Sigismund.
" Most Holy Father," he wrote in February 1464, "it is
time that this matter should be settled. The authority
of the Church is too little respected. In consideration of
the times in which we live, a little indulgence is necessary." z
The condition of Tyrol at this time afforded clear proof
that ecclesiastical penalties no longer commended them
selves to the conscience of the age.3 If the Papal censures
had been carried into effect, Tyrol would have been shunned

1 Pius ii to Frederick m, Rome, i Jan. 1463 (Ep. 39, ed. Mediol.).

2 Frederick in to Pius n, 2 Feb. 1464 ; Jager, Der Streit, vol. ii.
pp. 414-5.

3 Cf. Voigt, iii. pp. 396-403.

234 POPE PIUS II

like a plague spot, cut off from trade with her neighbours,
a prey to robbers, deprived of all ecclesiastical privileges.
But in practice they were little regarded, and Sigismund
felt that he had his subjects behind him when he refused
to apologise or retract until the censures were removed.
But in matters which involved the dignity of the Holy
See, Pius could be obstinate in the extreme. " Must we
recall our actions ? " he asked. " Must we accuse our
selves of injustice in order that he (Sigismund) need not
acknowledge his insolence ? " *• At last he yielded to the
general desire for a settlement, and it was decided that the
terms of peace proposed by the Emperor should be accepted.
On 25 Aug. 1464 Frederick in, acting as Sigismund's
representative, besought pardon and received absolution
from the Papal Legate. But before this final termination
of the Brixen struggle both Nicholas of Cusa and Pius n
had ceased to live.2 Of all the combatants in the great
ecclesiastical war only Gregory Heimburg remained un
repentant and unabsolved. Champion of a lost cause as
far as Germany was concerned, he betook himself to
Bohemia, trusting that the service of the heretic King
would afford scope for his lifelong opposition to Rome.

Both in Mainz and Brixen a long-drawn-out struggle
ended in the vindication of Papal authority, and Pius had
the satisfaction of knowing that he had not worked in
vain. Nevertheless, the events of his pontificate had laid
bare the weakness of the Papal power in Germany. Papal
censures had ceased to terrify ; clergy and laity alike
realised that they could be disregarded with impunity.
Excommunicate princes were no longer outcasts who must
sue for pardon in order to regain a place in society. They
regarded it as an act of condescension on their part when
they consented to receive absolution. Papal exactions

1 Pius ii to Frederick in, i March 1464 ; Jager, Der Streit, Bd. ii.
p. 417.

a Cf . Pastor, iii. pp. 211-2. The Emperor proffered his terms of
peace on 12 June. Cusa died on n Aug. ; Pius n three days later.

PIUS II AND EUROPE 235

were a perpetual source of friction, and the greed of the
Curia had so impressed itself upon the mind of the German
nation that every action of the Pope was looked upon as
a pretext for raising money. To such a man as Heimburg,
his vision filled with the abuses of the Roman system,
Pius ii 's vindication of Papal power seemed nothing else
than the triumph of evil. Offensive in his methods and
unattractive in his personality, Heimburg stood, never
theless, for an ideal that was worth fighting for. A national
ecclesiastical system, bred of unselfish efforts for their
country's weal on the part of the national leaders, might
have changed the course of German history. Heimburg
knew that his aims were not unworthy, and a sense of
aggrieved virtue prevented him from seeing that Germany
had really nothing to offer in the place of the present
regime. Pius n's victory was not that of a crafty diplomat
trampling upon national aspirations. It was the triumph
of persistency and determined pursuit of an ideal over
sefishness and inconsistency. The feebleness of the op
position was the chief cause of such measure of success
as Pius achieved in Germany.

The Papacy of Pius n was not, and never could be, the
mediaeval Papacy. To the rising nations of Europe it was
less a source of undisputed authority than a foreign power,
strong enough to be worth propitiating, and capable of
being made to serve as a useful ally. It was still, however,
a force to be reckoned with, and this in large measure owing
to the tireless energy and unfailing courage of the Pope
himself. Always making the best of a situation, quick to
seize every point of vantage, slow to press matters to ex
tremities, Pius did all that could be done under the cir
cumstances. Thus he left the reputation of the Papacy in
Europe higher than he found it. He showed that, in spite
of its abuses, the Apostolic See stood for ideals and aspira
tions nobler than the common aims of a self-seeking age.

CHAPTER XI
THE PAPAL COURT

' r- w -> HE Roman Curia is world-wide, and there is
room in it for every variety of person and
1 opinion. We are acquainted with both good and
evil, and you will find here pride and humility, miserliness
and extravagance, luxury and asceticism, lust and con
tinence, the highest virtue and the most shameless vice.
It is a net cast into the sea filled with all manner of fish.
Grain and chaff lie together on the threshing-floor, foolish
ness and wisdom dwell side by side. What wonder if we
sometimes do noble deeds, which win just praise, and
sometimes behave in a way that brings censure upon us
and causes us to be little esteemed ? " x So wrote Cardinal
Piccolomini in the early days of his acquaintance with the
Roman Curia, and the description enables us to realise the
nature of the Court over which Pius n was called to preside.
It cannot be judged by the standards of a religious com
munity, for its principal raison d'etre was not religious but
political. As head of the Church, the chief problems with
which the Pope had to deal were those of statesmanship —
all the complicated questions of law, politics, and finance
arising out of a world-wide organisation. And the Curia
was not only the centre of Church government ; it was also
a bureau of international politics and the capital of the
first State in Italy. It was distinguished from the Court
of Milan or Naples chiefly by its cosmopolitan character.

1 jEneas, Cardinal of Siena, to Sceva de Corte, 2 Dec. 1457 (Ep. 352,

Opera, p. 829).

236

i

CATHEDRAL (FACADE)

1'IENZA

THE PAPAL COURT 237

Here every side and type of European civilisation mingled.
The officer of the Curia must be versed in all the niceties
of European statecraft, and must know how to deal with
the motley crowd of diplomatists and warriors, scholars
and princes, which streamed into Rome. " We are not
called upon to govern heaven and the angels, but the world
and men," said Pius to his Cardinals, " therefore we must
choose men for the task." l

At the beginning of Pius n's reign the College of Cardinals,
alone, presented varied material to the student of human
nature. The three chief departments of the Curia — the
Pentitentiary, the Chancery, and the Camera — were pre
sided over by Cardinals Calandrini, Borgia, and Scarampo.
Theoretically the Grand Penitentiary was the leading
member of the College ; but Calandrini was a simple, hard
working man of no great force or ability, and he was over
shadowed by his more conspicuous colleagues. At the first
scrutiny of the Conclave he had received as many votes
as Cardinal Piccolomini, but he sacrificed his own chances
of the Papacy in order to combine with the other Italian
Cardinals in the choice of Pius u. Thus it was an act of
gratitude on the Pope's part to appoint him to the vacant
office of Penitentiary. The office of Vice-Chancellor was
held by Rodrigo Borgia, the future Alexander vi, a vigorous
and pleasure- loving youth of twenty- seven, whose splendid
entertainments and magnificent establishment were the
wonder of the hour. " He looks as if he were capable of
every evil," said the Mantuan chronicler who watched him
riding to the sessions of the Congress " in great pomp,"
attended by over two hundred horsemen.2 With Pius n
he was always on excellent terms, and he threw himself
with the utmost good nature into any project which the
Pope might have on hand. Pius in return treated him
with favour and did not look too closely into his manner
of life. But there were occasions when remonstrance was

1 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 98.

3 Schivenoglia, Cronaca di Maniova, p. 137,

238 POPE PIUS II

imperative. When the Curia was at Siena in the summer
of 1460, Borgia invited some of the ladies of the city to
the garden of a certain Giovanni dei Bicchi, and spent
some five hours dancing and flirting in their company " as
if he were one of the common herd of secular youths." The
husbands, fathers, and brothers of the guests were carefully
excluded, and the whole affair caused much scandal among
the respectable citizens. Pius n's views on the matter are
expressed in the admonitory letter which he wrote to
Borgia from Petrioli, where he was taking baths.1 " I
hear," he wrote, " that it has been the common talk of
Siena ever since, and here at the baths, where there are a
great number of people, both clerical and lay, you have
been the subject of much gossip. ... If we were to say
that this conduct did not displease us, we should err. It
displeases us more than we can say, for the clerical order
and our ministry is brought into disrepute. . . . The
Vicar of Christ who permits such things falls into the same
contempt. . . . We leave it to you to judge if it becomes
your station to toy with girls, to pelt them with fruits, to
hand to her you favour the cup which you have sipped,
and, neglecting study, to spend the whole day in every
kind of pleasure, having shut out husbands that you might
do this with greater freedom. ... If you excuse yourself
on the ground of youth, you are old enough to understand
the responsibility of your position. A Cardinal ought to
be irreproachable, an example of conduct. . . . Let your
prudence, therefore, consider your dignity, and check this
vain behaviour. If this occurs again, we shall be obliged
to show our displeasure, and our rebuke will put you to
open shame. We have always loved you and regarded
you as a model of gravity and decorum ; it is for you to
re-establish our good opinion. Your years, which give
hope of reformation, lead us to admonish you as a father."
Luigi Scarampo, Patriarch of Aquileia, who occupied

1 Pius ii to Cardinal Borgia, Petrioli, n June 1460 (Raynaldus, 1460,
Nos. 31 and 32),

THE PAPAL COURT 239

the post of Chamberlain, was reputed to be the richest man
in Italy after Cosimo dei Medici.1 At the instance of
Calixtus in, he had reluctantly taken charge of a naval
expedition against the Turk, but he returned home imme
diately after that Pope's death, thankful to be rid of his
task, and determined to have nothing more to do with
Crusades. His anti-crusading policy naturally prejudiced
him in Pius n's eyes, and the two were never friends.
Yet his wealth rendered him a factor in the College which
could not be neglected, and in 1463 he was honoured by
a Papal visit to his magnificent palace near Albano. Here
he had acquired the ancient monastery of S. Paolo, and
had turned it into a sumptuous country house, restoring
the church and laying out pleasure grounds. Pius, " know
ing the antiquity of the place, accepted his invitation will
ingly," and did not fail to record his impressions of the
visit.2 Scarampo, he says, " planted gardens where he had
once found wolves and foxes, and made it a most pleasant
place. . . . He kept animals of diverse kinds, and among
them peacocks, Indian fowls, and goats brought from
Syria, which had very long ears." Scarampo's detested
rival was Cardinal Barbo, the splendour-loving Venetian
and connoisseur of jewellery who succeeded Pius n as Pope.
Thus Pius n's death ended the Chamberlain's political
career, and he died in March 1465, overcome with rage at
the election of his enemy.

Of a very different type from these secularly minded
ecclesiastics was the German scholar and mystic Nicholas
of Cusa. At the beginning of Pius n's reign Cusa produced
a comprehensive scheme of reorganisation which would
have moulded the Church upon the pattern of a gigantic
monastery, and applied to the Catholic world at large the
discipline which failed so conspicuously in his own diocese

1 Cf. Voigt, iii. 507-8 and 543 seq. Here it is said that no Cardinal
is mentioned as Chamberlain under Pius u, but Pius himself constantly
refers to Scarampo as " Camerarius."

2 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 306,

240 POPE PIUS II

of Brixen. Pius had great belief in Cusa's uprightness and
ability, and he showed his confidence in him on more than
one occasion. He went so far as to embody the substance
of Cusa's scheme in the reforming Bull which was drafted
in 1460. 1 But, more discerning than his subordinate,
the Pope knew that the Church could not be reformed
wholesale. Little improvements in detail, the abolition
of some peculiar abuse, or the restoration of discipline in a
single monastery, did not commend themselves to Cusa's
eager and uncompromising spirit. Such, however, was
Pius n's way of working, and few can deny its wisdom.

Another representative of learning in the College was
the Greek Cardinal, Bessarion, whose presence in Rome was
almost the sole fruit of the attempted union with the
Eastern Church under Eugenius iv. His whole heart was
in the Crusade, but he was one of those fatally ineffective
persons who only weary the world of the causes which they
champion. His knowledge of the East gave him a natural
right to speak on the Turkish question, and Pius brought
him forward on every possible occasion. Nevertheless, his
orations failed to evoke enthusiasm. " He showed how
far superior Latin eloquence is to Greek/' 2 is Pius's com
ment upon his speech at Mantua. When he preached in
S. Peter's in honour of the reception of S. Andrew's head,
he was listened to with respectful attention, but he could
not make his hearers forget that they were tired after the
exertions of the morning, and that the hour was late.3
Bessarion had been among the most vehement opponents of
Pius n's election, but the Pope's conduct at Mantua entirely
altered his opinion. Henceforth he was Pius's warmest
champion, and he was regarded as the Pope's favourite
among the Cardinals, with the exception of Carvajal.

This saintly Spanish Cardinal was the object of Pius n's

1 Cf. Pastor, iii. pp. 270-6. Cusa's project is preserved in the State

Library at Munich (Cod. 422). The draft of Pius n's Bull is in the
Barberini Library, Rome.

* CommentarM, lib. iii. p. 82, 3 Ibid., lib. viii. p. 204.

THE PAPAL COURT 241

deepest admiration. In earlier days, ;£neas had always
shown his best side to Carvajal. He had never attempted
to flatter him, and had coveted his good opinion. Carvajal
for his part had regarded ^Eneas with considerable dis
approval, but he soon realised that a change had taken
place in the new Pope's character. When he saw Pius n
struggling manfully to do his duty, and never for one
moment relinquishing his crusading policy, Carvajal forgot
the slippery diplomatist of former years, and held out the
hand of friendship to the man whom he had once despised.
Early in 1462 Carvajal returned to Rome after six strenuous
years in Hungary. In the council-chamber and on the
battle-field he had laboured unremittingly for the defence
of Christendom, and he had spent his strength in the
service of the Church. Old before his time, he took up
his abode in a modest dwelling in Rome, and set an example
of holy living which excited the wondering admiration of
his more worldly colleagues. He was never absent from
Church festivals or meetings of the Consistory. When he
had reason to disagree with the Pope, or any of his col
leagues, he never spoke as though he wished to oppose, but
contented himself with quietly stating his opinion. A hair
shirt was concealed beneath his simple robes ; he was con
stant in prayer and fasting ; he spent his money in alms
giving and in the restoration of churches. The courteous
and modest bearing of the members of his household re
flected the saintly conversation of their master.1 At first
sight it seems hard to understand the appeal which this
stern ascetic made to Pius n. Yet even in his youth
complete sincerity had exercised singular fascination over
him, and years of experience of an evil world had increased
his appreciation of so rare a virtue. Moreover, Carvajal
was no joyless saint. " He never overlooked the joys of
life," and was as anxious " to entertain men with innocent
festivity " as to help them in more serious ways.2 When
Pius visited Ostia in the spring of 1463, Carvajal begged

1 Commentarii Jacobi Card. Papiensis, p. 454. 2 Loc. cit.

16

242 POPE PIUS II

him to make an expedition to his own Bishopric of Porto.
Here among the ruins of the ancient city, fragrant with
memories of Imperial Rome, the saintly Cardinal received
his guest " with joyful face and pleasant speech, and talked
much of Trajan." 1 Thus the two passed a happy day's
sight-seeing, and did their best to reconstruct the by
gone ages which they both loved. Pius and Carvajal
founded their friendship upon work performed together for
a common cause. They enriched it by pleasures shared
together, to which each contributed the priceless gift of
enjoyment.

Pius had not long been Pope before he began to con
sider the possibility of adding new members to the Sacred
College. " A Pope," he says, " is not considered com
pletely a Pope until he creates Cardinals." 2 Moreover,
the persistent opposition of the French party made it
imperative for him to secure stronger political support
than he possessed among the Cardinals immediately sur
rounding him. When he announced his intentions, in
Lent 1460, he found that the College was strongly opposed
to any fresh creations. ' You have proposed persons
whom I would not have in my kitchen or stable," grumbled
Scarampo; " for my part, I do not see why fresh creations
are necessary. There are more than enough of us, both
for service abroad and for counsel at home. Quantity
cheapens everything. Our revenues do not suffice for us,
and you wish to add others who will take the bread out of
our mouths." 3 At length Pius won the consent of the
College to five new creations. " You will not refuse a
sixth," he said, " if I name one who is eminently worthy,
and whom you will all praise." 4 He named Alessandro
Oliva, General of the Augustinian Order, a man of con
spicuous piety and considerable learning. Oliva's eleva-

1 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 303. Pius n promoted Carvajal to be
Cardinal Bishop of Porto in 1461.

3 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 97.

8 Cugnoni, p. 199 (omitted from Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 98).

4 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 98.

THE PAPAL COURT 243'

tion surprised every one, and himself most of all. " No
one thought that a poor monk would be made a Cardinal,
although he was a gifted preacher of God's word, and a
holy man." l During the three years of his Cardinalate, he
practised the religious life as sedulously as if he were in his
cloister, and his death in August 1463 caused genuine grief
to the Pope. " Three or four Cardinals," he said, " might
have died without causing injury to the College, but this
death inflicted a severe wound upon the Church." 2 The
other new creations were Angelo Capranica, Bishop of
Rieti, the brother of ^Eneas's first master ; Bernardo Erolo,
Bishop of Spoleto, the head of the Apostolic Referendaries ;
Niccolo Forteguerra, a relation of the Pope's mother ;
Burchard, Provost and afterwards Archbishop of Salzburg ; 3
and Francesco Piccolomini, the Pope's young nephew, who
had just taken his degree at Perugia. The worst that
could be said of Pius n's selection was that it contained no
one of any great eminence. Capranica and Erolo proved
able administrators of the States of the Church; Forte
guerra did excellent service as the Pope's chief military
adviser; Piccolomini enjoyed a brief tenure of the Papacy
as Pius in. Thus Pius could congratulate himself upon
adding a band of loyal and efficient servants to the Sacred
College, and he considered that he had done well by his
country in creating five Italian Cardinals at once.

Pius's second creation, in Advent 1461, was designed
chiefly to satisfy the European powers. The ultramontanes
had been neglected in 1460, and it was imperative to do
something for France in return for the surrender of the
Pragmatic Sanction. The Cardinals, however, were even
more vehemently opposed to fresh creations than they
had been in the previous year — " they shut up their
ears like asps, and could not be persuaded." 4 Having

1 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 98.

2 Cugnoni, p. 229 (omitted from Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 329).

3 Burchard 's nomination was not published until the creation of the
other non-Italian Cardinals in 1461.

4 Cugnoni, p. 214 (omitted .from Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 183).

244 POPE PIUS II

failed to move them in Consistory, Pius fell back on the
expedient of winning over the Cardinals severally. The
conversations which ensued give an unedifying picture
of the by-ways of Papal diplomacy.1 Scarampo and
Colonna were chiefly anxious to prevent the elevation to
the purple of Bartolomeo Vitteleschi, Bishop of Corneto.
Orsini was known to favour his candidature. Pius, there
fore, first approached Orsini, and begged him, in the
interests of his friend Vitteleschi, not to oppose his
wishes. When he remained obdurate, Pius turned to
Scarampo and Colonna, and gained their consent to his
other nominations on condition that Vitteleschi was
excluded.

Many of the Cardinals objected strongly to Jean
Jouffroy, Bishop of Arras ; and his own countryman, Alain,
Cardinal of Avignon, entreated Pius not to admit such a
firebrand into the Sacred College. '' There will be no
peace or quiet in the College from this time forward. He
will sow discord and nourish faction. . . . You will live
to repent of your action, and to say to yourself, ' Would
that I had believed Alain ! ' " What you say is only
too true, Alain," Pius replied. "We know the man, and
you have painted him as he is. But what can we do ? ...
Arras is learned, eloquent, and bold, as you say. He is
our legate at the French Court, and both the King and the
Duke of Burgundy wish him to be made a Cardinal. We
have been promised the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction,
which is of all things most harmful to the Apostolic See.
If we refuse the King's prayers, the Pragmatic will con
tinue to have force in France. If Arras knows that
he is rejected, he will rage like a dragon, and turn all his
strength against the Papacy. . . . We confess that it is
dangerous to include him among the Cardinals, but it is
still more dangerous to exclude him. Of two evils, we must
choose the lesser." Alain yielded to the Pope's arguments,
but the Cardinal of Arras became, as he foretold, a
1 Cugnoni, pp. 214-8.

THE PAPAL COURT 245

perpetual source of annoyance to Pius n. He thwarted
his projects in every possible way, more especially with
regard to the Crusade, and he scandalised Rome by his
vicious habits. At last, in the autumn of 1463, he left
for France, and the whole Curia rejoiced at his departure.1
With Nicholas of Cusa, Pius began by adopting the
methods of flattery, talking to him confidentially about
the difficulties of the situation, and explaining to him
the absolute necessity of propitiating the French King.
" There is no one in whom we have greater confidence than
you, brother ; if every one else fails us, we know that you
will remain true. . . . You, who love us, will aid us in
this matter." But Cusa's will could not be bent by
considerations of expediency, and he met Pius's advances
by a furious outburst against Pope and Curia. " I have
long thought that you hated me, O Pope," he replied;
" now I am certain of it, for you have asked of me that
which I cannot perform without disgrace. You intend
to make new Cardinals at your own pleasure, without
urgent cause, in defiance of the oath which you swore in
the Conclave, both before and after your election, that
you would not create Cardinals save with the consent of
the majority of the College, and in accordance with the
Constance decrees. And you wish to make me an accom
plice of your sin. . . . If you can bear the truth, I will
tell you that I am ill-pleased with everything that goes
on in the Curia. It is all corrupt. No one does his work
properly. Neither you nor the Cardinals care for the
welfare of the Church. What observance is there of the
canons ? What reverence for the law ? What zeal in
the practice of religion ? Ambition and avarice are para
mount. If I speak of reform, I am laughed at. I cannot
tolerate these proceedings. Let me go into the wilderness
and live my own life." So saying, the unhappy Cardinal
burst into tears. He was treated to a severe scolding
from the Pope, who proved to him in detail that no oath

1 Cf. Cugnoni, pp. 230-3, and Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 343.

246 POPE PIUS II

was violated and no decree set aside by treating separately
with the Cardinals. It was presumption on Cusa's part
to censure the Pope's proceedings; and as for his com
plaint that no one did their duty, if he deserted the Curia
at this juncture, he would be the worst offender. Cusa
left the Pope's presence speechless and ashamed. " After
this," observes Pius complacently, " he became gentler,
and abandoned much of his foolish rigidity, showing that
the Pope's reproofs were not in vain." The scene is an
illuminating commentary upon the character of the two
persons concerned. For Cusa there was no such word
as compromise ; he knew the letter of the law, and was
determined to enforce it. Pius n's diplomatic manoeuvres
appeared to him in the light of a criminal surrender to
the methods of the wicked world. Yet in the tangled
skein of fifteenth- century politics, what could a poor
Pope do but compromise ? Pius was no warrior-saint,
but a man of the world, with wide experience and no
illusions, who was doing his utmost to steer the bark
of S. Peter in the right course. What he asked of Cusa
was the recognition that their ultimate aims were the
same. If he were convinced of his sincerity, Pius thought,
surely he could accept his methods as the outcome of
stern necessity.

When the Consistory met again, no one opposed the
Pope's wishes, and he named six persons whom he
proposed to raise to the purple. The three new ultra-
montanes were the Bishop of Arras, Prince Louis d'Albret,
and the Spaniard, Don Jayme de Cordova. Francesco
Gonzaga, the son of the Marquis of Mantua, was also of
the nature of a " Crown " Cardinal. His admission to
the College caused great rejoicing at the Mantuan Court,
and both Poliziano's verse and Mantegna's painting
helped to celebrate the occasion. The new Cardinal was
only seventeen, but he looked older than his age, and
" he was a grey-beard in gravity and wisdom." l Mean-

1 Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 184.

THE PAPAL COURT 247

while the Pope took the opportunity to add two of his
own friends to the list. Bartolomeo Roverella, Archbishop
of Ravenna, was a friend of ^Eneas's secretarial days, and
had recently distinguished himself as Papal Legate in
the Neapolitan war. Jacopo Ammanati, Bishop of Pavia,
was Pius ii 's most faithful friend and disciple. " We
are not Cardinals but traitors," grumbled Cardinal Tebaldo,
when he saw that the Pope's nominations would be
accepted. " The dignity of the office is destroyed. If
the Pope commands us to add three hundred persons to
our numbers, I shall not oppose him." 1 Pius had won
the day. He had satisfied the European powers, and
had strengthened his own party in the College. But
the means by which he gained his end show that a good
deal of the old ^Eneas had survived his elevation to the
Papacy.

When the humanist Pope ascended the throne of S.
Peter, the scholars of Italy hailed his election as the
dawn of a golden age. " In the eyes of all distinguished
and cultured men, you have arisen like a sun, dispersing
the mists of darkness, " 2 wrote Filelf o ; and he and many
another humanist looked forward to a return of the happy
days of Nicholas v. But they were sadly disillusioned.
Pius was ready to recognise merit, but he knew too much
of the under-world of literary adventurers to care for
their flatteries. His critical taste made him a severe
judge of the mediocre productions of professional humanists,
and he preferred that his literary reputation should rest
upon his own writings rather than upon his patronage
of other scholars. The crowd of copyists, collectors,
translators, and versifiers did not reappear in Rome.
Instead, there was a Pope who composed his own Bulls,
and who was surrounded by a select company of kin
dred spirits, friends and companions rather than Court

1 Cugnoni, p. 218.

2F. Filelfo to Pius n, i Nov. 1458. Cf. Voigt, iii. pp. 606-7, a,nd
Rosmini, Vita di Filelfo, vol. ii. p. 104.

248 POPE PIUS II

humanists. The few eminent scholars of the day, how
ever, did not go unrewarded. Lodrisio Crivelli and
Bartolomeo Platina both held posts in the Curia, and the
learned historian Flavio Biondo found in Pius an appre
ciative patron. The Pope liked to have Biondo with him
upon his expeditions, in order that the old antiquarian
might act as his guide to the classical remains. His book
on Roman antiquities, Roma Triumphans, was dedicated
to Pius n, and his great historical work, the Decades, was
" imbellished and corrected " by the Pope himself.1
" Biondo's eloquence/' say Pius, "was far removed from
that of the ancients, and he did not revise his writings
carefully enough ; he thought less of the truth of what
he wrote than of the amount. . . . But," he adds, " some
people might say the same of us, for although we write
what is true, nevertheless ours is rough, ill-digested
history. Perchance another may bring our researches
and those of Biondo to light, and may thus reap the fruit
of our labour." 2

Francesco Filelfo was almost the sole survivor of the
great generation of humanists, and to him Pius showed
rather cold courtesy. He awarded him a pension of two
hundred ducats a year, but when Filelfo proposed to come
and settle in Rome, the Pope advised him to enjoy his
pension in Milan.3 In spite of the rebuff, Filelfo and his
tw© sons soon made their appearance at the Curia, bent
upon making their fortunes at the Pope's expense. Filelfo
first endeavoured to approach Pius through Amman ati,
sending him part of the Sforziade for criticism, and making
flattering remarks that he hoped would be handed on to
the Pope. But Pius refused to be drawn into a literary
correspondence. In his younger days he delighted in a
lengthy discussion upon a point of scholarship, and welcomed

1 Pius, Pont. Max., Abbreviationem Flavii Blondii (Opera, pp.
144-281).

2 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 310.

3 Ammanati to Filelfo, Jacobi Card. Pap. Epistolae, No. 25, p. 467.

THE PAPAL COURT 249

any subject that afforded opportunity for elegant writing.
Now, however, he was too old and too much occupied for
dilettante composition. When Filelfo pointed out a mistake
of grammar in one of his poems, he thanked him for his
correction, and said that he feared it would be only too
easy for the idle to find similar errors in the writings of a
busy man like himself.1 Ere long Filelfo exchanged flattery
for abuse. He made an anonymous attack upon Pius during
his lifetime, and did his best to blacken his memory after
death. When the news of the Pope's death reached him,
he, who had likened his accession to the sunrise, called upon
the poets and Muses to rejoice that God had taken Pius
from their midst.2

Pius n's small circle of intimates, the men whom he
chose as the companions of his daily life, reflect two notable
features of his character — his love of home and his un-
conventionality. The two private secretaries who wrote
at his dictation and helped him with his literary work
were both Sienese. One was his cousin, Goro Lolli, the
friend and comrade of his student days ; the other, Agostino
dei Patrizzi, was also a University friend. Relations and
fellow-citizens of the Pope held all the chief posts in the
Curia, and Pius had no difficulty in convincing himself that
they were chosen entirely upon their merits. To be a
Sienese was in itself a title to reward in his eyes, and the
greatest honour which he could confer upon a friend was
to obtain for him the citizenship of Siena. Two of his
closest companions, however, were neither Sienese nor
friends of his youth. Jacopo Ammanati's career was not
unlike Pius n's. He came to Rome as a struggling scholar

1 Jacobi Card. Papiensis, Ep. 25.

2 Gmtulatio de morte Pii II (Rosmini, Vita di Filelfo, vol. ii. p. 320) —

" Gaudeat orator, Musae gaudete Latinae ;
Sustulit e medio quod Deus ipse Pium.
Ut bene consuluit doctis Deus omnibus aeque,
Quos Pius in cunctos se tulit usque gravem.
Nunc sperare licet. Nobis deus optime Quintum
Reddito Nicoleon, Eugeniumve patrem."

250 POPE PIUS II

in the days of Nicholas v, and began his career, as
before him, in the service of Cardinal Capranica. The
legend goes that he threw up his post because the austere
Capranica tore up his literary compositions in order to
teach him humility.1 Under Calixtus in he became an
Apostolic secretary, and Pius confirmed him in his office
on the very day of his own election. From henceforth
Ammanati enjoyed the Pope's special favour. He was
made Bishop of Pavia in 1460, a Cardinal in 1461, and he
was adopted into the Piccolomini family. Before every
thing a humanist, his relation to Pius n was that of a literary
disciple. His letters and Commentaries are a faithful
imitation of those of Pius n, and he carried on the Pope's
great work for the five years which succeeded his death.
Pius, says Ammanati's biographer, loved him not only for
his literary talents, but for his sound judgment and stainless
honesty.2 He lived in high favour at the Papal Court,
free from all taint of corruption, and he left it a poor man.3
He shared the Pope's love of country life and was fond of
hunting. Although somewhat lacking in force, he was
doubtless a sympathetic companion. His affection for
Pius ii was the ruling motive of his life.

The Pope's other favourite, the jovial epigrammatist,
Giovanni Campano, was a man of very different character.
He began life as a shepherd boy, and raised himself by his
own efforts to the position of a University lecturer at
Perugia. He first came to the Curia in 1459, as a member
of the Perugian embassy of congratulation to Pius n, and
Ammanati introduced him to the Pope's notice. The
portrait which he gives of himself shows that he owed
nothing to his appearance. Short, stout, and awkward,
with shaggy eyebrows and spreading nostrils, he was at a
loss to know with what wild beast to compare himself.4

1 Vespasiano, Card. Domenico Capranica, § 3.

2 Jacobus Volaterranus, Preface to Com. Card. Papiensis, p. 352.

3 Voigt, iii. p. 540.

4 Campanus, Opera (Rome, 1595) ; Epistolae, lib. iii., " Dulciboni suo."

THE PAPAL COURT 251

But he had a keen wit and a picturesque, forcible style,
and he had proved his powers as an historian by a life of
the condottiere Braccio. No one could be less like the
typical Court poet than this burly peasant, yet such was
his virtual office at the Curia. He produced epigrams and
witticisms on every occasion, and Pius showed his apprecia
tion of them by quoting them largely in the Commentaries.
When Campano was made a Bishop, the honour was not
all joy to him. His cassock impeded his movements, and
Ammanati told him that it was not suitable for a Bishop
to make puns. He was full of affectionate gratitude
towards Pius n. " He has made you great," he wrote to
Ammanati, " and has raised me above mediocrity. There
fore we ought above all things to add to his pleasure and
reputation." l

Campano's Life of Pius n is full of little intimate details
which would only be known to one who was constantly
with him.2 He, Ammanati, and Goro Lolli were the
Pope's comrades rather than his servants. With them
Pius could lay aside his dignity, and jest and gossip in the
friendly, informal way that had won him so many friends
in the past. Ammanati's description of a day's holiday
from Mantua, at the time of the Congress, gives a charming
picture of Pius n's life in the society of these chosen com
panions.3 " While he was at Mantua Pius fell dangerously
ill, and when he began to recover, he craved for a little
diversion in order to help him regain strength. He decided
to pay a few days' visit to a monastery called degli Angeli,*
three miles distant from Mantua ; and in order to make the
journey more agreeable, he travelled by way of the Mincio.
The Pope was accustomed to turn to us when he was in

1 Campano to Ammanati (Card. Pap., Ep. 30, p. 472).
8 Given in the Basel edition of Pius n's works.

3 Jacopo Ammanati to Francesco Piccolomini. The party included
Lorenzo Roverella, the brother of the Archbishop, and Agapito di Cenci
del Rustici, a Roman poet of some repute (Jac. Card. Pap., Ep. 49,
p. 498).

4 The famous sanctuary of S. Maria delle Grazie,

252 POPE PIUS II

need of relaxation, and so we were commanded to embark
upon the same boat as himself." The party set out in a
holiday mood, and Goro Lolli brought with him some
congratulatory verses dedicated to Pius, which he had not
yet had an opportunity of hearing. " We thought that
this was a good time to read them, as they would amuse
the Pope on his holiday ; for he enjoyed having poetry
read aloud to him during his leisure hours." Ere long the
reading inspired the present company to impromptu
rhyming, and light verses were bandied from mouth to
mouth. Pius laughed heartily at the witticisms of his
friends, and soon contributed his share to the entertainment.
It was remarked that all the poets contrived to ask for
something in their verses, and Campano delighted the
party by a poem in which he said that gifts ought not to
be given to those who asked, but to those who did not ask,
at the same time hinting that he himself was among the
deserving. Pius made an appropriate repartee, and then
produced the following epigram : —

" Discite pro numeris numeros sperare poetae,
Mutare est animus carmina non emere." L

Unfortunately, this somewhat incautious jest survived, and
excited the anger of every humanist who heard it. It
was quoted as a proof of the Pope's contempt for poetry
and of his determination to do nothing for the class to which
he had once belonged. In defence of his master, Ammanati
told the story of the epigram's origin, and showed that " it
was not premeditated, nor composed in dispraise of poets,
but improvised at the moment for the entertainment of
the company." It was a gay, warm-hearted circle of
friends that surrounded this most unconventional of
Popes, and when Pius n was laid in his grave it seemed to
them as if all the colour were gone out of life. Ammanati,

1 " Take poets for your verses, verse again

My purpose is to mend, not buy your strain."

(Creighton's translation, History of the Papacy, vol. iii. p. 350.)

THE PAPAL COURT 253

Campano, Goro Lolli, and Cardinal Piccolomini wrote
constantly to each other of the happy days that were
over. To live again in the memories of " our Pius " became
the chief pleasure of their existence.

It is not easy to associate the genial hero of Ammanati's
reminiscences with the spiritual suzerainty of the Church
or the guardianship of faith and morals. But Pius was
never primarily an ecclesiastical personage. He was a
man of letters who was also a devout Catholic, and as his
office required him to fulfil high ecclesiastical functions,
he did so to the best of his ability. Nevertheless, the history
of his Pontificate shows that the practical and emotional
side of the Catholic faith appealed to him more than its
intellectual aspect. His was a religion of the heart and the
eye rather than of the intelligence. Even in his most
unregenerate days he was content to accept the Creed of
the Church without criticism, and he never had the
faintest sympathy with heresy. In the first year of his
Pontificate, he issued a Bull condemning Reginald Pecock,
the heretical Bishop of Chichester, and ordering his writings
to be burned.1 His endeavours to repress incipient heresy
in France and Italy afford another example of his stern
orthodoxy.2 He was curiously uninterested in theological
speculation. In 1462 he endeavoured to settle a quarrel
which raged between Dominicans and Franciscans by
summoning both sides to a disputation in Rome. The
account which he gives of the proceedings in the Com
mentaries is clear proof of his indifference with regard to
the point at issue.3

On Easter Day 1462, Fra Giacomo della Marca, a pro
minent Franciscan, maintained in the course of his sermon
at Brescia that " the Blood of Christ shed on the ground
during the Passion was not an object of worship, since it
was separated from the Divine Person." This was an old

1 Raynaldus, 1459, No. 29.

3 Cf. Voigt, vol. iii. pp. 580-3, and Pastor, vol. iii. p. 286.

3 Commentarii, lib. xi. pp. 278-92.

254 POPE PIUS II

subject of dispute, and the Dominicans at once took up the
challenge. To Pius it seemed that Fra Giacomo had made
a great mistake in raising the question. He fell, said the
Pope, into " a common error of popular preachers," and
" for the sake of showing his own learning, touched upon
many matters which he would have done better to leave
alone." 1 But in the interests of peace it was necessary
to judge between the disputants, and for three days the
matter was argued in the Pope's presence. Afterwards
the subject was discussed privately among the Cardinals,
of whom the majority sided with the Dominicans. " Pius
agreed with the majority, but it did not seem to him a
suitable time to publish his decision, lest the numbers of
Minorites employed in preaching against the Turk should
be offended." So the decision was postponed, to the
satisfaction of all parties concerned. The Dominicans
realised that the Pope was on their side, and the Franciscans
were relieved that judgment had not been given against
them. As for Pius, he was content to have ended a quarrel
which prevented the two great Mendicant Orders from
doing more practical work.

As became a disciple of S. Bernardino, Pius was an
enthusiastic patron of the Observantists, the reformed
branch of the Franciscan Order. Both at Tivoli and at
Sarzana the Conventual Franciscans were ordered to make
way for the Observantists, and the privileges granted to
the latter by Eugenius iv were revived. The reform of
monastic discipline, in general, appealed to the Pope's
practical mind, and it was a matter to which he gave great
attention. He caused a Chapter of the Dominican Order
to be held at Siena to discuss the question of reform, and
on finding that the chief cause of abuse was the corrupt
General, Martial Auribelle, he deposed him from his office.2
The Carmelites of Brescia, the Humiliati of Venice, and the
convents of the Order of Vallombrosa, all owed some

1 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 278.

2 Cugnoni, p. 224 (omitted from Commentarii, lib. x. p. 262).

THE PAPAL COURT 255

measure of reform to Pius n, and model communities, such
as that of the Benedictines of S. Justina at Padua, were
singled out for favour.1

Thus the humanist Pope proved himself a zealous
practical reformer, and he had an artist's love of ritual.
No one can read the description of Roman ceremonial
which he wrote during his Cardinalate without realising
how deeply the ordered beauty of Catholic worship im
pressed itself upon his soul. " If you once saw the Pope
celebrating Mass, or assisting at the Divine Office, you
would confess that there is no order, or pomp, or splendour
save with the Roman Pontiff. You would see the Pope
sitting high upon his throne, the Cardinals on his right, and
the great prelates on his left. Bishops, Abbots, Proto-
notaries, ambassadors, all have their place. Here are the
Auditors, there the Clerks of the Camera ; here the Procu
rators, there the Subdeacons and Acolytes. Below them
are the multitude. Surely you would recognise that the
Papal Court resembles the celestial hierarchy, where all is
fair to the eye, and all is done according to rule and law." 2

The Sacraments and ceremonies of the Church were, in
truth, the centre of Pius n's religious life. His reign is
famous for some of the most splendid ecclesiastical cere
monies of the Renaissance, and perhaps the most glorious
of all was the Festival of Corpus Christi, as celebrated
by the Pope and Cardinals at Viterbo in 1462. 3 In an
earlier passage of the Commentaries, Pius tells the story
of the origin of this feast, which had always been peculiarly
dear to him. " A certain priest of Bolsena doubted the
presence of the divine and human nature of Christ our
Saviour in the Sacrament of the altar. One day, while he
was celebrating Mass, his faith was compelled by the sight
of the Bleeding Host before him, and by the sign of the
miraculous Blood upon the corporal in which it lay. This

1 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. pp. 277-80.

2 Germania, p. 1080 (Opera).

3 Commentarii, lib. viii. pp. 208-11.

256 POPE PIUS II

miracle was recognised and approved by Pope Urban iv
(1263), and the Festival of the Most Blessed Body of Christ
was instituted. It has since been celebrated each year
with the greatest devotion and honour throughout the
whole Christian world."1 In 1462, Pius determined to
observe the festival with unwonted splendour. The gravest
political troubles of his reign were over. He was about to
spend a happy summer's holiday in his beloved Tuscany,
and, as he tarried at Viterbo in the bright May weather,
everything seemed to combine in the call to rejoice.

The Pope was staying in the Rocca, at the northern end
of the town, near the Church of S. Francesco, and from
here to the Cathedral the way was one continuous pageant.
Rich tapestries of purple and cloth of gold adorned the
houses, triumphal arches of flowering broom, myrtle, and
laurel spanned the streets. All the trade-guilds of Viterbo
combined with the members of the Curia in the work of
decoration.2 The First Vespers of the Festival were cele
brated in a temporary building erected near the Rocca.
" The sun was still high, and its rays penetrated through
the rainbow-hued hangings. . . . The choir sang as sweetly
as angels ; the lights were arranged with admirable skill
to imitate the starry heaven ; the voices blended with
the instruments in sweetest harmony ; the whole scene
resembled Paradise." Early the next morning a great
procession started for the Cathedral. The Pope himself
bore the Host, and he was supported by " seventeen
Cardinals, twenty-two Bishops, and many other digni
taries." First on the route came the houses decorated
with the magnificent Arras tapestries of the French
Cardinals. Near them was a representation of the Last
Supper and the Institution of the Eucharist, prepared by
Cardinal Torquemada. By the principal group he had
placed a figure of S. Thomas Aquinas, " as if he were order
ing the due observance of the sacred rite." Carvajal's

1 Commentavii, lib. iv. p. in.

2 Niccola della Tuccia, Cronaca di Viterbo, pp. 84-7.

THE PAPAL COURT 257

contribution was a great dragon surrounded by horrible
demons, and as the Pope passed by S. Michael appeared in
full armour, dispersed the demons, and cut off the dragon's
head. As usual, the decorations of Cardinal Borgia sur
passed all others in splendour and ingenuity. When the
Pope approached Borgia's precincts a large tent covered
with purple hangings barred the way, and two boys dressed
as angels advanced and sang, " Lift up your heads, O ye
gates, and King Pius will come in." But five kings and a
band of soldiers held the entrance. " Who is King Pius ? "
they cried. " The angels, in honour of the Sacrament which
he carried, answered, ' He is the Lord, strong and mighty.' '
Immediately the barriers were thrown down, the sound of
pipes and organs was heard, and the whole company knelt
before the Pope singing songs of welcome. Inside the tent
was a fountain flowing with water and wine, symbolising
the Blessed Sacrament, besides many other historical
and allegorical figures, " which arrested the gaze not only
of the ignorant multitude, but of cultivated men." Before
the Palazzo del Commune, Cardinal Forteguerra had pre
pared an elaborate tableau of the Resurrection. The Holy
Sepulchre stood in the middle of the Piazza with the soldiers
sleeping by it, and near them the watching angels, " who
would not suffer the bride-chamber of the heavenly Spouse
to be violated." When the Pope drew near, " suddenly a
beautiful boy, let down by a rope, descended like an angel
from heaven and proclaimed the approaching Resurrec
tion." A breathless silence followed, which was broken by
the sound of thunder, and then " he who played the part of
the Saviour drew all eyes upon himself." With the banner
of the Cross in his hand, and a shining diadem on his head,
he announced in Italian verse that the salvation of the
world had been won.

Other lesser marvels followed, until at length the
Pope reached the Cathedral, where High Mass was
celebrated by Cardinal Barbo. When the Pope came out
on to the Piazza to bless the people after Mass, a repre-

258 POPE PIUS II

sentation of the Assumption of the Virgin took place
under Cardinal de Mila's auspices. On the housetops
was seen the Court of heaven, with God sitting in glory
amid stars and choirs of angels. Below, in the Piazza,
lay the Virgin's tomb, from whence a lovely maiden rose
up to heaven, supported by angelic hands and dropping
her girdle as she went. " Her Son came to meet her,
and kissed His Mother upon her forehead. He presented
her to the Eternal Father, and seated her upon His right
hand. Then the legions of celestial spirits sang and
exulted and sounded instruments of music. All heaven
rejoiced, and so the ceremonies closed." After this the
Pope and several of the Cardinals dined with Cardinal de
Mila in the adjacent palace, where " pleasant conversation
rendered the hours short." Then came a short interval
for repose, before Vespers and the return along the pro
cessional route. It was a day that lived long in the annals
of the city, and no one entered more thoroughly into
the spirit of the festival than did the Pope himself. " Who
ever visited Viterbo that day," he concludes, " and saw
these wonders, must have thought that he had come not
to the abode of men but to the realms above, and that
he had seen the vision of the celestial city alive and in
the flesh." l

1 Cf . for the whole ceremony, Commentarii, lib. viii. pp. 208-11, and
Niccola della Tuccia, pp. 84-7.

CHAPTER XII
PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI

"1[ "IT THEN Pius n became Pope nothing gave him
\ /% / more genuine pleasure than the thought that his
V V greatness would add to the prosperity and prestige
of Siena. " The first care of his pontificate was to serve
his country. He went to Siena, and fed his starving people
with apostolic nourishment. He filled the city and con-
tado with plenty. He established peace in the common
wealth. He allayed fear, both of internal and external
foes." l This description of the benefits which Pius con
ferred upon his native city is perhaps more true of his
intentions than of his achievements. He meant all that
was good by Siena, but unfortunately he differed from the
majority of his fellow-citizens with regard to the means by
which the internal welfare of the Republic should be pro
moted. His ideal for the good government of Siena was a
constitution in which all the five Monti or factions had
their share. His first object was to restore his own Monte
dei Gentiluomini to power, but he also pleaded for the
enfranchisement of the Dodicini, a faction which included
many rich merchant families, and which was at that time
wholly deprived of the rights of citizenship.2 He was
deeply impressed by the evils attending on a city divided
against itself. The exiles without the city striving to
return, and their friends and relations within, secretly sup
porting them, undermined the stability of the State. If

1 Jacobi Card. Pap., Ep. 71, p. 517.

2 Cf. Commentarii, lib. iv. p. 101.

259

260 POPE PIUS II

the Pope could have had his way, the very names of the
rival factions would have been abolished, and instead of
five warring Monti he would have had one people. " The
guardian of cities is concord," he pleaded, " and concord
will protect this city, and unite you for ever, if only justice,
the mother and queen of virtues, is permitted to reign over
you." !

The wisdom of Pius n's ideals are manifest, but they
represented a conception of government altogether foreign
to the average citizen of Siena. " What could be more
foolish than to admit to membership in the State those
who would promptly eject you from it ? " 2 asked a
member of the party in power when Pius n's proposals
were debated in the Council. Any idea of broadening the
basis of government was abhorrent to the enfranchised
classes. Their less fortunate neighbours could only be
regarded as enemies, and their object was to depress them
by taxation and proscription in order to postpone the evil
day when the political situation would be reversed, when
the exiles would return to power, and at once proceed to
exclude their late oppressors from a share in the govern
ment. The citizens of Siena were determined not to
enfranchise the nobles, and Pius n was equally determined
to have his own way. Thus from first to last the political
contest embittered the relations between our hero and his
" sweet city." It is true that in the burst of enthusiasm
which followed the news of the election of a Sienese Pope,
the Piccolomini were at once admitted to full political
power.3 But this was a measure which commended itself
to public opinion in Siena, whereas the enfranchisement
of the Gentiluomini as a class evoked the strongest opposi
tion. When Pius stayed in Siena on his way to Mantua in
1459, the citizens consented to discuss the constitutional
question with him, although his requests seemed to them

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 45. 2 Ibid., lib. viii. p. 215.

3 Cf. Malavolti, De' fatti e guerre de' Sanesi, p. 61, and Thomasius,
Hist. Sen., p. 57.

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 261

" difficult to refuse, and still more difficult to grant." * A
compromise was finally arrived at by which the Gentiluo-
mini were admitted to all the honours of citizenship, and
to a fraction of political power. This decision was hailed
with general thanksgiving, and nobles and people embraced
one another rapturously in the streets. One and all turned
their backs upon a trying controversy, and gave them
selves up to rejoicing in the possession of a Sienese Pope,
present among them in the flesh. Meanwhile Pius n doled
out favours to his fellow-citizens with a generous hand.
On Sunday in Mid-Lent, he presented to the Prior of the
Republic the golden rose, which is still preserved in the
Opera del Duomo at Siena. The fortress of Radicofani,
hitherto a bone of contention between Siena and Orvieto,
was granted in perpetuity to the Republic. Siena was
raised to the dignity of an archbishopric, and proceedings
were set on foot for the canonisation of Caterina Benincasa,
henceforth to be revered as S. Catherine of Siena.2

It was a happy turn of fortune that enabled one of
Siena's two most famous children to be the means of doing
honour to the other. S. Catherine, the ascetic visionary
and political reformer, belongs to a different world from
that of the humanist Pope. But wide as is the gulf which
separates them, they are united both by their services to
the Papacy and by their love of Siena. Pius n's heart
glowed with patriotic pride when, two years later, the
formalities were concluded, and he announced to the multi
tude assembled in S. Peter's that " Catherine's name was
written upon the roll of the Saints." 3

Meanwhile the quarrel between the Pope and the
Republic had broken out afresh. The citizens of Siena
regarded the compromise of 1459 as the utmost limit of
their concessions to the nobility, while Pius looked upon it

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 46.

2 Decrees ordering the Process of Canonisation are to be found at
Siena, dated 19 May 1459. The Canonisation was finally announced on
29 June 1461. Cf. Pastor, iii. pp. 290-3.

3 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 135.

262 POPE PIUS II

as a prelude to the grant of more extensive privileges. Thus
the intercourse between them consisted mainly in renewed
pressure from the Pope, and repeated attempts to evade
his requests on the part of the Sienese. At last the citizens
persuaded themselves that Pius IT'S interference was be
coming a serious menace to the Republic. The nobles,
they insisted, were encouraged by his support to conspire
against the government, and the citizens lived in hourly
dread of an armed attack. Those of the nobility who
remained within the city were threatened with imprison
ment or exile if the present state of unrest continued. In
despair, they addressed a petition to the Pope, begging him
to desist from further efforts on their behalf.1 This was in
the summer of 1462, and Pius showed his displeasure with
the Republic by not once entering Siena throughout the
course of a long summer holiday in Tuscany. From hence
forth he abandoned his attempts at political reform. His
last visit to Siena, only a few months before his death,
was unspoiled by controversy. Nevertheless, the citizens
continued to look upon the nobles with suspicion, and
before Pius was cold in his grave the modicum of political
power granted to the Gentiluomini had been taken away.
" It was indeed an unworthy thing," writes a Sienese
chronicler, " that the measures brought about by so great
a Pope, and by one who had deserved so well of his
city, should be rescinded almost immediately after his
death." 2

Thwarted in his designs for Siena, Pius sought consola
tion in the advancement of the Piccolomini and in the
creation of Pienza. Silvio and Vittoria Piccolomini had
not lived to see their son's elevation to the Papacy. At
the time of Pius's accession his father had been dead eight
years, and his body lay in the little Church of S. Francesco
at Corsignano. After four years of widowhood, Vittoria
died in Siena, and was buried by the Franciscans of that

1 Commentarii, lib. viii. pp. 214-5.

2 F. Thomasius, Hist. Sen., p. 62.

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 263

city. Pius now caused a beautiful marble tomb to be
erected in the Church of S. Francesco in Siena, and thither
the remains of Silvio Piccolomini were brought to rest
beside those of his wife.1 The tomb has since been de
stroyed by fire, but the medallions of Silvio and Vittoria,
with a scroll bearing the inscription which Pius n himself
composed, are still to be seen in the Church.2

The Pope's nearest living relations were his two sisters,
Laudomia and Caterina, both of whom had made respectable
but by no means brilliant marriages. They and their
children assumed the name of Piccolomini, and to his
nephews and nieces Pius looked to sustain the honour of
his family. Caterina was married to a certain Bartolomeo
Guglielmi, whom Pius made Prefect of Spoleto, and here
the Pope visited his sister on his way to Mantua in 1459.
She had an only daughter, Antonia, who in her turn married
and had children. In 1462, Antonia and Caterina came to
see Pius at Todi, bringing with them Antonia's baby-boy,
a handsome, intelligent child, who " gave no small delight
to the Pope." " He had not yet reached his twentieth
month," said the proud uncle, " but he imitated everything
which he saw, and gave many signs of future wisdom. ' ' 3
The child was called Silvio at the Pope's desire. He
became the ancestor of the famous Marshal Ottavio
Piccolomini, who played so prominent a part in the Thirty
Years War. Laudomia was married to Nanni Todeschini,
and by him had four sons and one daughter, Montanina.
Of the Pope's four nephews, Antonio, Giacomo, and Andrea
were destined for a secular, and Francesco for an ecclesiastical
career. Francesco was a studious, well-conducted youth,
and when ^Eneas was Bishop of Siena he saw sufficient
intellectual promise in his nephew to think it worth while

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 47.

" Silvius hie jaceo, conjux Vittoria mecum est

Filius hoc clausit marmore. Papa Pius."
Cf. Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 47.

3 Ibid., lib. x. p. 272. The fine palace in Siena now occupied by the
Banca d'ltalia was built as the Pope's gift to Caterina.

264 POPE PIUS II

sending him to the University of Perugia. Money was
always scanty in the Piccolomini family, and Francesco,
like ^neas before him, economised his expenses by lodging
with relations. But, unlike ^Eneas, his future was ready
made for him from the moment of taking his degree. In
January 1460, at the age of twenty-one, he became Arch
bishop of Siena, and two months later he received a Cardinal's
hat. He proved himself a devoted nephew, and filled with
credit the various high offices to which he was called.
Yet he could not rise above his destiny, and he remained
to the last the nephew of Pius n, a pale reflection of his
brilliant uncle. His chief claim to the remembrance of
posterity is as the founder of the Piccolomini Library in
the Cathedral at Siena. The original purpose of the
building was to hold the works of Pius n and his treasured
collection of books. It was begun about the year 1492,
and decorated on a comparatively modest scale. Ten
years later, Cardinal Piccolomini determined to make the
Library a worthy monument of his uncle, and engaged
Pintoricchio to decorate it with a series of frescoes illustrating
the life of Pius n, " with such personages, action, and cos
tumes as are necessary and convenient for the proper portrayal
thereof." x The work had not advanced far when Cardinal
Piccolomini became Pope Pius in, and died in October 1503,
after a reign of two months. While Pius in slept beside
Pius ii in S. Peter's, Pintoricchio laboured in the Piccolomini
Library, and the completed work served as a memorial
of both uncle and nephew. The large fresco over the
entrance to the Library from the Cathedral commemorates
the coronation of Pius in. Upon the walls of the Library
itself, Pintoricchio has told in ten scenes, alive with light
and joy and colour, the life-story of the humanist Pope.2

1 Cf. Corrado Ricci, Pintoricchio.

2 The subjects of these famous frescoes are as follows : — i. " ^neas
starting for the Council of Basel " ; 2. " The Mission to Scotland " ;
3. " Coronation as Poet by Frederick in " ; 4. " The Reconciliation with
Eugenius iv " ; 5. " The Betrothal of Frederick in and Leonora of
Portugal " ; 6. " ^Eneas made a Cardinal by Calixtus in " ; 7. " The

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 265

Antonio Piccolomini did not share the studious tastes
of his brother, and in less prosperous days, when a learned
career seemed likely to offer him his best chance in life,
he was a cause of serious anxiety to his father and uncle.
" We understand that Antonio is no scholar, and is doing
little good," wrote yEneas to Nanni Todeschini in September
J453- " We gathered as much from his letters, which are
execrably written. We trust that he will mend his ways,
and at least learn to express himself better." l Luckily
for this young scapegrace, his uncle's election to the Papacy
enabled him to cast aside his books and to enter upon
a military career. He was at once made Castellan of
S. Angelo, an office which gave him high military authority
in Rome. When the war broke out, he led the Papal
forces in the Neapolitan kingdom, and won an honourable
reputation as a soldier. In 1461 he was married to Maria
of Aragon, the illegitimate daughter of King Ferrante, and
became Duke of Amalfi and Grand Justiciar of Naples.
Thus the idle boy of the family entered the ranks of the
princes of Italy, and there seemed no limit to the possibilities
which lay before him.

Provision was also made for the two younger brothers,
Giacomo and Andrea. Giacomo was given the little
lordship of Camporsevoli near Chiusi, and on the break-up
of the Malatesta dominions he became Duke of Monte-
marciano, in the March of Ancona. To Andrea fell the
Tuscan dominion of Castiglione della Pescaja with the
island of Giglio, granted to him by Ferrante of Naples.
He played a considerable part in the politics of Siena, and
his daughter Vittoria married Borghese Petrucci, the son
of the famous Pandolfo. In the next generation Andrea's
granddaughter and heiress, Silvia, married her cousin, the
Duke of Amalfi, thus uniting the two branches of the family.2

Election of Pius n " ; 8. " The Congress of Mantua " ; 9. " The Canonisa
tion of S. Catherine of Siena " ; 10. " Pius n at Ancona."

1 Cf. Voigt, vol. iii. p. 28 ; and Wolkan, Ep. 37.

2 Cf . Litta, Famiglie Celebri d' Italia : Piccolomini.

266 POPE PIUS II

Meanwhile Antonio, Duke of Amain, pursued his splendid
career. He was undoubtedly the favourite nephew, and
he came in for a large share of the Malatesta dominions
on the fall of Sigismondo. Sinigaglia and Mondavio passed
into his possession, and it was rumoured that Pius n dreamed
of a strong State in the March of Ancona under the rule of
Antonio. The Pope's death put an end to such schemes,
if they ever existed. Paul n left Antonio in possession
of his fiefs in the March, but the election of Sixtus iv
forced him to make way for the new Pope's ambitious
nephews. Thereupon he retired to Naples, where he
continued to enjoy high favour with Ferrante. His
successors were distinguished by their loyalty to the
Aragonese dynasty in Naples, and they later became the
devoted servants of the Emperor Charles v. On the death
of Antonio's last male descendant, in 1566, the Duchy of
Amain was given by the Spanish Crown to Marshal Ottavio,
who once more made the name of Piccolomini famous
throughout Europe.1

In Siena, to-day, the graceful Loggia del Papa stands
as a permanent memorial to the love and care which
Pius ii lavished upon his family. " Pius n Pont. Max.
gentilibus suis Picolomineis " runs the inscription: "Pope
Pius ii to his relations the Piccolomini." Family pride
and family affection taught him to regard his own brilliant
career in the light of a tribute to the honour of that name.

Throughout the years of his crowded life Pius n never
forgot Corsignano. "When you go to Corsignano," he
wrote to his father in 1444, " greet the old friends in my
name, and especially my nurse Bartolomea, if she is still
alive. Her husband Berte is, I imagine, no longer in the
land of the living."2 A letter written to the Republic of
Siena from Rome, during his Cardinalate, shows how near
the interests of the little community lay to the heart of

1 Litta, op. cit.

2 .Eneas Silvius to Silvio Piccolomini, 19 Nov. 1444 (Voigt, Brief e,
No. 130, p. 358; and Wolkan, Ep. 162).

LOGGIA DEL PAPA
SIENA

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 267

^Eneas Silvius. His object was to ask that Corsignano
might be excused payment of a tax of three hundred
ducats. " We were born and brought up in Corsignano,"
he writes, " and we love the inhabitants as our fellow-
townsmen. We pray you, therefore, to consider them as
commended to your favour on our account. As we learn
that they are poor and unable to bear this burden, it would
be most welcome to us if they obtained some remission by
means of our letters, so that they may know that they are
benefited by our love." 1 But the time was now at hand
when ^Eneas would be able to give his native village a far
more splendid proof of his affection. When Pius n set out
for the Congress of Mantua in January 1459, the scheme
for the creation of Pienza must already have been in his
mind. On 21 February, Corsignano learned that the
Pope and six Cardinals were in the neighbourhood and
might be expected to enter the village at midday. Nothing
could exceed the enthusiasm with which Pius was welcomed.
The inhabitants had done their utmost to make ready for
the occasion, and Laudomia and Caterina Piccolomini, with
their husbands and children and various other members
of the family, were gathered to welcome him. Among the
crowd which pressed forward to receive the Papal blessing
was the old priest Piero, eager to recognise in his spiritual
sovereign the little ^Eneas whom he had taught in bygone
years.

Next day was the Feast of S. Peter's Chair, and Pius n
celebrated Mass in the Church of S. Francesco. The
commemoration of S. Peter's installation as the chief of
the Apostles took on a new significance to these simple
Tuscan peasants, when S. Peter's successor was present in
their midst, in the person of their friend and fellow-citizen,
^neas Silvius Piccolomini. Pius, however, could not
revisit the place of his birth without a certain sense of

1 Cf. Mannucci, Fondazione della Cattedrale di Pienza (Arle e Storia,
Anno xxiv. (1905) ; Numcro unico pubblicato in occasionc del v° cente-
nario della nascita di Enea Silvio Piccolomini).

268 POPE PIUS II

sadness, and with characteristic craving for self-expression
he has left a record of the conflicting emotions which beset
him.1 He had looked forward with the keenest anticipa
tion to revisiting the old haunts and talking with the friends
of his childhood. Yet when he found himself at Corsignano
his joy was overshadowed by sorrow at the changes which
time had wrought. Many of his friends were dead, others
were confined to their houses by old age or ill-health, those
from whom he had parted as boys had grown-up children
of their own, and were so altered that he hardly recognised
them. There were few with whom time had dealt more
hardly than it had with Pius n himself. Although only in
his fifty-fourth year, he was already an old man. Long
years of ceaseless activity had made his head bald before
its time and had furrowed his face with wrinkles. His
gouty feet could scarcely bear the weight of his body. He
had a chronic cough, and was rarely free from pain. Yet
his bright eyes revealed an energy of spirit which could still
triumph over bodily infirmity : in his power of enjoyment
and zest for living he possessed the secret of perpetual youth.
Before Pius left Corsignano he had made the necessary
arrangements for the execution of his great project. The
Florentine, Bernardo Rossellino, was engaged as architect,
and Siena contributed her share to the undertaking by
allowing wood to be brought from the famous forests of
Monte Amiata, which had furnished building materials
for many houses in Rome.2 Some eighteen months later,
on his return from Mantua, Pius paid a second visit to the
village, in order to see how the work progressed. He found
that the church and palace which he had planned were
already rising from their foundations, and that they gave
promise of being " unsurpassed by any building in Italy." 3
But the Pope could not linger to watch their growth.

1 Commentarii, lib. ii. p. 44.

2 Mannucci, Fondazione della Cattedrale di Pienza (Arte e Storia,
1905).

3 Commentarii, lib. iv. p. no.

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 269

He was detained at Corsignano for twelve days by a severe
chill which affected all his limbs and made him unable to
move without help, but directly he could leave his bed he
hastened on to Rome, in order to quell the disturbances
which had arisen during his long absence. The Pope's
affection for Tuscany was regarded with suspicion by the
Romans, and in the following summer Pius found it wiser
to spend his villegiatura in the Papal States. Thus it was
not until 1462 that he was free to gratify his own taste.
The month of July in that year saw him established in
the Abbey of S. Salvatore on the slopes of Monte Amiata,
from whence he could watch the city of his dreams as it
rose into being upon the opposite hill-side.

When this glad day arrived, Corsignano was no more.
A Consistory held on 12 February 1462, had bequeathed to
it a new name, and had pronounced that in honour of its
patron it should be known henceforth as Pienza.1 At the
same time, the all but completed church was raised to the
rank of a Cathedral, and Pienza with her neighbour, Montal-
cino, was taken from the diocese of Arezzo to form a new
bishopric. After a few weeks of tranquillity, spent with
the monks of S. Salvatore, Pius crossed the Val d'Orcia,
to see for himself what progress had been made at Pienza.
Once more he came to his home ill and suffering, and he
was obliged to postpone his inspection of the new buildings
for several days. When at last he made the tour of the
Cathedral and palace, all his pains were forgotten in his
joy over the fair vision which rose before him. With
paternal pride he observed every detail of the work. The
size and number of the windows in the palace, the arrange
ments for carrying off water from the roof, the decorations
of the walls and ceilings in the various rooms are all
chronicled by the enthusiastic Pope. No less minute is
his account of the Cathedral, complete now in all its
fittings, from the two holy-water basins at the bottom of

1 Pius II to the Priors of the Republic of Siena, 12 Feb. 1462. Cf.
Mannucci, Arte e Storia, 1905-

270 POPE PIUS II

the nave to the beautiful intarsiatura of the choir-stalls.
An artist's eye for beauty, the pride and joy of a lover
combine with the practical wisdom and capacity for detail
of a man of affairs to render the pages of the Commentaries
which describe Pienza the most vivid in the book.
Moreover, the description of 1462 still holds good. Owing
to the completeness of the original scheme and to a blessed
freedom from the ravages of the spoiler, the Commentaries
are the best guide-book to Pienza as it is to-day.1

Few who visit the tiny city, a fair flower of the Renais
sance blooming in a land that is eternally mediaeval, will
deny that Pius had just cause to be proud of his creation.
On the west side of the red-brick Piazza lies the massive
pile of the Palazzo Piccolomini. Severe and yet not for
bidding, decorative and yet not ornate, it is a perfect
example of the domestic architecture of the early Renaissance,
unsurpassed by the finest palaces in Siena or Florence.
It is a square building, standing three storeys high, and
fashioned of solid stone. Round its base runs a broad
stone ledge, where the inhabitants lounge when they
gather on the Piazza to laugh and gossip after Mass on
feast-days, or in the evening when the day's work is done.
After the usual Italian model, the palace is built round a
central court : a small door gives access to it from the
Piazza, while the principal entrance lies on the north side.
On the right of the main entrance a staircase " of some
forty easy steps " leads to the first floor and to the principal
apartments. " Here," says Pius, " are winter and summer
rooms, and those suited to the mean seasons. ' ' The bedrooms
are " fit for kings," and " not a single room lacks a fire
place or anything which could add to its comfort and con
venience." The fine panelled ceilings, the floors of polished
tiles, and the tasteful use of paint and gilding contribute
to the general excellence of the effect. A distinctive
feature of the palace are the spacious windows, " each large
enough to allow three people to look out at once." " Truly,"

1 Commentarii, lib. ix. pp. 231-6.

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 271

exclaims the Pope, " if, as all will agree, light is the chief
grace of a house, then no dwelling is to be preferred to this,
which is open to four prospects of the heavens, and which
admits abundant light both from windows on the outer
side of the palace and from those giving on the court
yard." Of the many splendid apartments the most
attractive is the great hall overlooking the Val d'Orcia,
which, with a small room leading out of it at either end,
occupies the entire first floor on the south side of the
square. The richly carved chimney piece of white stone
which Pius mentions is still in its place, and two doors lead
straight from the hall to the graceful loggia, " a most pleasant
abode in the winter season." Pius occupied the adjoining
room on the east, where his frescoed portrait still adorns
the wall. Thus he could pass straight from his bed
chamber, through the great hall, to the loggia, where he
loved to sit and feast his eye upon the familiar landscape,
while the September sun bathed his limbs as it pierced the
mists of an autumn morning. On the ground floor a corre
sponding loggia gives access to the garden. This is a
square enclosure levelled with some ingenuity on the
slope of the hill-side, a sunny bower, fragrant with
basil and rosemary, hanging over the wild Val d'Orcia.
For the Pope's gouty limbs, steps and slopes were a matter
of some inconvenience. Thus he appreciated to the full
the admirable engineering which enabled him to pass from
the great north entrance, through the courtyard and
loggia, to the terrace at the far end of the garden, "with
smooth step, not once having to raise his feet."

At right angles to the Palazzo Piccolomini, on the
southern side of the Piazza, rises Pius n's other great founda
tion, the Cathedral of the Blessed Virgin. " Against
custom, and at the dictates of necessity," as Pius puts it,
what should be the east end of the Cathedral faces south
over the Val d'Orcia, while the main entrance lies north
and not west, fronting the Piazza. The fagade of grey
stone, severely classical in form, produces an impression

272 POPE PIUS II

of coldness. No reliefs or statues break the lines of the
columns and arches, and the circular design, framing the
Piccolomini arms surmounted by the crossed keys and
Papal tiara, which Pius describes as a " Cy clop's eye,"
is a poor compensation for other ornament. Inside the
Cathedral this impression of coldness and severity is entirely
dissipated, and the whole scheme of decoration bears
witness to the taste and forethought of its founder. By
the Pope's express desire the nave and the aisles on either
side of it are of equal height. He had seen churches in
Austria built on this model and had noticed the greater
facilities for light which it afforded. So successful was
his experiment that when he first visited the Cathedral
and saw the sun streaming in through the great windows*,
he seemed to be entering " a house of glass and not a house
of stone." Pius also insisted that the walls of the Cathedral
should be left plain, without frescoes or other decoration
which would mar the pristine whiteness of the stone.
Only in the chapels, forming the apse behind the high
altar, were pictures allowed, executed at the Pope's order by
" the best masters which Siena could produce." By a
Bull of 16 September 1462, Pius forbade, on pain of ex
communication only revocable by Papal authority, any
additions to his original scheme.1 Thus the Cathedral
remains to-day as he planned it. The severe simplicity
of the walls forms an impressive setting to the elegant
grace of the eight clustered columns which support the
nave. The roof above is painted a deep blue, spangled
with golden stars, in imitation of the open heavens so dear
to the heart of the Pope. There, too, in the chapels for
which they were originally painted, hang the altar-pieces
by the Sienese masters of the Quattrocento — Vecchietta,
Sano di Pietro, and Matteo di Giovanni. Set thus against
their true background, the pictures preserve that dis
tinction and vitality which all but the very highest works
of art are prone to lose when crowded together on the walls

1 Commentarii, lib. ix. p. 235.

CATHEDRAL (INTERIOR)

PIENZA

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 273

of an Academy. Vecchietta's Assumption ranks among
the artist's masterpieces. Surrounded by a galaxy of
dancing angels, the majestic figure of the Madonna rises
heavenwards, while Pope Pius i, S. Catherine of Siena, and
two other saints bear witness to her ascent. All three
pictures breathe the spirit of devotion and patriotism in
which they were painted. The most interesting histori
cally is that of Matteo di Giovanni, in which the Madonna
sits enthroned among the four Fathers of the Church.
Here, in the kneeling figure of Gregory the Great, we
recognise the strongly marked features and keen, smiling
eyes of Pius n.

Underneath the main building is a lower church, which
serves as a Baptistery, and which contains a handsome font
of Rossellino's design. The contrast between this graceful
structure and the massive basin, looking almost like a
drinking trough, in the Church of SS. Vito e Modesto, where
.ZEneas was baptized, is the contrast between the Renais
sance and the mediaeval world. To the west of the
Cathedral stands a house, now used as a museum, which
the Pope destined for the Dean and Chapter. A small door
into the Cathedral was made for their use, through which
" they might pass without hindrance to the day and night
offices.'* The same practical forethought shows itself in
the two splendid wells, both designed by Rossellino, and
complete down to the very chains and buckets when Pius
made his tour of inspection. One, standing in the garden
of the Palazzo, was intended to supply the needs of the
household, while the other was placed in the Piazza for the
use of the citizens. Both wells are in working to-day, and
the richly carved head and massive bucket of the Piazza
well may be seen in a setting of flapping straw hats, gay
scarves, and chattering voices, as the women of Pienza
come daily to draw water and to bless the name of Pius n,
who provided so generously for the needs of his people.

Such were the new buildings of Pienza as Pius saw them
in the summer of 1462. As might be expected, the archi-
18

274 POPE PIUS II

tect had greatly exceeded his original estimate. Endless
difficulties had been experienced in laying the foundations
of the Cathedral in the crumbling volcanic soil, and various
other accidents had occurred. Many persons were ready
to blame the architect, and to accuse him of gross careless
ness and extravagance, if not of actual fraud. Pius, how
ever, turned a deaf ear to their complaints. Sending for
the architect, he praised him for the miscalculation which
had produced such happy results. ' You have done well,
Bernardo, in deceiving us as to the expense of the work.
If you had told us the truth, you would never have per
suaded us to spend so much money ; and neither this noble
palace nor this church, the finest in all Italy, would now
be standing."

Pius was enchanted with the result of Bernardo's
labours, yet he could not blind himself to the fact that he
had spent far more on Pienza than he could justify. At
the same time, his scheme was not yet fully carried out.
He therefore determined to shift at least a part of the
future expense on to other shoulders. Having bought and
pulled down some small houses on the north side of the
Piazza, he presented the site to the Commune in order
that the citizens might build themselves a suitable Palazzo
Pubblico. How well they responded to the task may be
seen to-day in the graceful little building, with its elegant
loggia and red brick tower, which stands opposite to the
Cathedral. Pius, moreover, resolved to transform Pienza
into the summer capital of the Papacy ; and the Cardinals
were asked, or rather politely commanded, to build palaces
in the city. The Pope's best hope lay in Cardinal Borgia,
whose riches were as great as his complaisance, and who
had sufficient worldly wisdom to accept the inevitable in a
graceful spirit. Borgia professed himself much honoured
by the Pope's gift of the old communal buildings, and ere
long he had transformed them into an elegant Renaissance
palace, furnished with the sumptuous luxury for which
he was famed. This palace is now the residence of the

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 275

Bishop, and it lies opposite to the Palazzo Piccolomini,
with the Cathedral and the Palazzo Pubblico on its left and
right. With its erection Pius n's ideal was realised. The
Piazza called by his name was enclosed by four noble
buildings, and there was not a single blot upon the har
monious perfection of the group.

Other Cardinals responded with less alacrity to the
Pope's appeal. Young Francesco Gonzaga, the son of
the Marquis ol Mantua, who had obtained his Cardinal's
hat only a few months before, was most reluctant to embark
upon so great an outlay. Yet he desired above all things
to obtain the Bishopric of Mantua when next it fell vacant,
and Pius n's hint that, unless he were more obliging, the
Bishopric might be given to another, at once induced him
to obey. In a letter dated 28 August 1462 he begs his
father to help him in meeting this expense, assuring him
that it is absolutely necessary to do what the Pope requires,
and that it must be done, moreover, \vithout delay.1 In
spite of the pressure put upon him, Francesco does not
appear to have done more than buy a piece of ground for
future use. The building of his palace had not yet begun
when the Pope's death came to spare the needy Mantuan
from further expense.

In Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, the Pope found
a kindred spirit who soon rivalled Pius himself in his affec
tion for Pienza. Three years after the Pope's death he
wrote an enthusiastic letter to Goro Lolli, inviting him to
visit the city which had become his home. ' ' What wonder, ' '
he exclaims, " if my retreat at Pienza delights me ! " The
good air, the fine views, the pleasant shady walks, and the
warm welcome which he receives from the Cathedral clergy,
all combine to attract him thither. Hunting and fishing
abound, " better wine is not to be had in all Tuscany,"
his house is well built and commodious. Above all, " the
remembrance of our Pius " enhances the charm of these

1 Francesco Bandini Piccolomini, Le Case Borgia e Gonzaga in Pienza
(Arte e Storia, 1905).

276 POPE PIUS II

delights. " Here he was born, here he received baptism,
here he left traces of his holy footprints. Wherever the
eye turns there are memorials of his name." Out of grati
tude towards his friend and benefactor, Ammanati has
resolved to fulfil his dying wish, and, "forsaking all other
places, to delight in Pienza alone." l

Pius ii came to Pienza early in August 1462, and on
the 29th of that month the Cathedral was consecrated with
due ceremony. The weeks slipped by, summer merging into
autumn, and still the Pope lingered on. S. Matthew's
Day (21 September) found him still in the Palazzo Picco-
lomini, throwing himself with whole-hearted zest into
Pienza's annual fair. The festivities began with High
Mass in the Cathedral, celebrated in the Pope's presence
before a large and devout congregation. Then the whole
multitude flocked outside the town, to feast at Pius n's
expense in the large tents which he had provided for the
occasion. No less than thirty oxen were slaughtered for
the banquet, and every inhabitant ate and drank his full.
The feasting ended, " every one gave themselves to buying
and selling until evening," when a variety of races ter
minated the day's programme. There were horse races,
donkey races, and foot races for both men and boys.
" These the Pope watched, not without pleasure, from a
high window of the palace, whither he had retired with his
Cardinals to transact public business." 2 The affairs of
the Church caused Pius n grave anxiety, and at times the
weight of his cares seemed too heavy to be borne. Yet he
possessed the power of throwing those cares aside, and
such mild excitements as the contests for the palio at
Pienza could be to him the source of purest pleasure. He

1 Jacobi Card. Pap. Epistolae, No. 278, p. 660. Cf. Avte e Storia, 1905.

2 Cugnoni, p. 222 : " Haec Pontifex ex altissima fenestra cum Cardinali-
bus, non sine jucunditate spectavit, quamvis interea de publicis ncgotiis
auscultaret." The over - decorous editor of the Commentaries has
emended the original MS. thus: "Haec Pontifex non spectavit: sed cum
Cardinalibus interea de publicis negotiis consultabat" (Commentarii,
lib. ix. p. 236).

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 277

joined in the general laugh which arose when a riderless
donkey came first to the winning post, and the judges
awarded it the palio. His heart swelled with pride when
a plucky Pienza lad bore off a fat goose, the prize for the
boys' race, and was forthwith carried round the town
upon the shoulders of his exultant friends.

The longest of summer holidays must end one day, and
when October came, the Pope bade farewell to Pienza
and started on his leisurely journey back to Rome. He
hoped that this would be the first of many pleasant mile-
giature in his old home, but in all probability he never saw
Pienza again. In the spring of 1464 he was once more in
Tuscany, and he spent Easter at Siena. By that time,
however, he had made the desperate resolve to embark in
person on a Crusade against the Turk. The chief object
of his sojourn in Tuscany was to gain such measure of
health at the baths of Petrioli as would enable his rapidly
weakening frame to endure the fatigues and hardships
which lay before him. It is possible that he took the
opportunity to return to Pienza for a few days, but the
absence of any record of his visit enables us to ring the
curtain down on that October morning, when the shadows
which darkened his last months of life had not yet closed
over him, and when he could look back on the fair group
of buildings on the hill-side, where the old white house
of his childhood had stood, with pleasant memories of
a successful holiday, and no less pleasant expectations of
good days still to come.

From that day forward the veil of oblivion was drawn
over Pienza. For a few brief weeks she had been the
centre of Christendom, the very Renaissance Rome that
Pius would fain have made her. Then she relapsed, de
serted and forgotten, into the slumber of decay. During
four long centuries her slumber was unbroken, and those
who visited her some twenty or thirty years ago spoke of
her as a mere memory of vanished glories. To John
Addington Symonds her condition seemed " something

278 POPE PIUS II

worse than ruin." The Piccolomini palace, rarely visited
by its owners, had become " a granary for country produce
in a starveling land," and the predominant impression which
the place produced was one of almost sordid failure.1 But
for those who seek out Pienza to-day a better fate is in
store. Within the last few years a happy turn of fortune
has brought the Piccolomini back to Pienza. The Palazzo
has been tastefully restored, and is now once more the
centre of life in the little community. As in the days of
Pius n, the citizens have been encouraged by the example
of the Signori to do their part in the work of restoration.
The Palazzo Pubblico has been redecorated and freed from
ugly modern additions, and the various treasures belonging
to the Cathedral have been collected in a small museum.
Pienza, in short, has awakened from her long sleep, deter
mined to prove worthy of her heritage. The culmination
of her revival came in 1905, when the quincentenary of
Pius n's birth was celebrated with every honour that the
citizens could devise. The prime mover in the festivities
which marked the occasion was Conte Silvio Piccolomini,
the present representative of the race with which the
fortunes of Pienza are associated.

Thus Pienza to-day is much more than a memory. She
has had her part in the general resurrection of Italy, and,
in rising to a vigorous modern life, she has learned to be
proud of her past greatness. More than ever, in her new
found consciousness, is she the city of Pius n. His spirit
hovers in the starry vaulting of the Cathedral, it mingles
with the stir and laughter of the Piazza, and perhaps most
of all it lingers in the sunny colonnades of the loggia over
looking the Val d'Orcia. The Piccolomini arms (argent,
cross azure, charged with five crescents or), surmounted by
the crossed keys and Papal tiara, meet the eye at every
turn. The objects treasured in the little museum are
nearly all Pius n's personal possessions, or gifts which he
made to- the Cathedral. Here are the tapestries of Flemish

1 Symonds, Italian Byways.

COPE PRESENTED TO PIUS II BY THOMAS PAL/EOLOGUS

FIENZA MUSEUM

PIENZA AND THE PICCOLOMINI 279

workmanship which he gave to adorn the Piazza on feast-
days. Here are his mitre, ring, and pastoral staff. Here,
above all, is the famous cope which has brought visitors
to Pienza who know little or nothing of its founder. This
marvel of embroidery is worked with twenty-five scenes
from the life of the Blessed Virgin and that of S. Catherine
of Alexandria, interwoven with every imaginable device
of birds and flowers and foliage. Alive with dramatic
feeling and glowing with colour, the minute perfection of
the workmanship has caused it to be described as " a web
woven by an embroidery needle." 1 It was fashioned, in
all probability, by English hands in the thirteenth century,
and it passed, we know not by what means, into the
possession of Thomas Palaeologus, Despot of Morea. In
his desperate flight from the East, Thomas brought the
cope with him to Rome, and presented it to Pius n, from
whom alone in Western Europe he could hope for succour
against the Turk. Pius ranked it among his most priceless
possessions. Therefore it found its last resting-place at
Pienza, the city upon which he lavished all the best that he
had to offer, the shrine upon which he laid his heart.

1 Schippisi, Terre Toscane, p. 41.

CHAPTER XIII
THE MAN OF LETTERS

7| ^ NEAS SILVIUS played many parts in the course
/ I — i of his career, and a supple disposition enabled

J^ JL ^ him to play each in turn with some degree of

credit. But there was one role which made no demands
upon his adaptability. He was a diplomatist, a statesman,
an ecclesiastic by necessity ; he was a man of letters by
nature. In the preface to his first historical work, the
Commentaries on the Council of Basel, he gives a picturesque
account of his efforts to wean himself from literary pursuits.1
His friends urged him to " reject the codices of orators and
historians," and to flee all manner of letters. "Are yea
not ashamed, at your age, to possess neither lands nor
money ? " they said. " Do you not know that it beho\es
a man to be strong at twenty, wise at thirty, and rich at
forty, and that he who passes these limits strives in vain? "
^Eneas recognised the wisdom of their advice, but he ;vas
quite unable to follow it. Over and over again he deter
mined to " live no more from day to day as the birds ind
beasts," but to employ himself in making provision for his
old age. Yet, as moths flutter round a candle until 1hey
are burnt in the flame, so he returned to his hurt and to
his undoing, until he foresaw that naught but death would
release him from the toils of literature.

His instinct did not play him false. Poems and essays,
letters and orations poured forth from his pen without

1 Commentariorum . . . de Gestis Basiliensis Concilii (Optra),
p. i.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 281

intermission throughout the course of his life. In the
five years which followed the writing of the preface quoted
above, ^neas's literary productions included a novel, a
comedy, many poems, and treatises on such different subjects
as the Authority of General Councils, the Nature and Care
of Horses, Fortune, Education, and the Miseries of Courtiers.
As behoves a true humanist, he was interested in every
thing, and at no period were his writings confined to any
one class of subject. Nevertheless, his literary develop
ment has three distinct phases. Like most clever
young men, he began by writing poetry. Later on the
exigencies of his profession made him an essayist and
pamphleteer. In the end he found his true vocation as an
historian.

We learn from Goro Lolli that ^Eneas was a prolific
writer of verse in his student days. Some of his poems
were in Latin, others were in Italian, and framed on the
model of Petrarch. These youthful efforts were treasured by
the faithful Goro, who informed Ammanati, after Pius n's
death, that he had " almost innumerable examples " in
his possession.1 But they were not included in the printed
editions of Pius n's works, and are for the most part lost
to posterity. Before he left Siena ^Eneas wrote a poem
entitled " Nymphilexis " in praise of one Battista, the
mistress of Socino Benzi of Ferrara. It consisted, said the
proud author, of " more than two thousand lines," but it
has not survived to allow us to judge of its merits.2 During
his early days at the Imperial Court the newly crowned
poet addressed many verses to Frederick m. Among them
were poems " in praise of Caesar," and a hymn on the
Passion in Sapphic metre.3 Chancellor Schlick was also
honoured in his protege's verse, and ^Eneas's most ambitious
effort at this period was a Latin comedy, in the style of

1 Jacobi Card. Pap., Ep. 47, p. 494.

2 /Eneas Silvius to Socino Benzi, 1431 (Wolkan, Ep. 3 ; Opera,
Ep. 35)-

3 Cugnoni, pp. 342-70, gives these and other of ^Eneas's poems.

282 POPE PIUS II

Terence, entitled Chrisis* The German Court, however,
was not fruitful soil for poetry, and as ^Eneas became
engrossed in his profession he ceased to cultivate the poetic
muse. From henceforth he only wrote occasional verse,
epigrams on current events, love poems, or epitaphs in
honour of departed friends. His quick sympathies com
bined with refined taste and facility of expression to render
him an adept in the art of epitaph-making. The fine
inscription which can still be seen on the tomb of Nicholas v,
in the crypts of the Vatican, is a conspicuous example of
his talent.

During his Pontificate Pius n composed hymns to the
Blessed Virgin and to S. Catherine of Siena, and he also
drew up the Office appointed to be said on S. Catherine's
Day (5 May). The solemn Litany which closed the Congress
of Mantua was the Pope's composition, and various other
opportunities presented themselves for the exercise of his
poetic gifts. Nevertheless, meagre as are the survivals of
^Eneas's art, they are sufficient to show that he was in no
sense a poet. He writes as a clever man of letters, as a
scholar and a stylist, but his poems lack spontaneity.
They are at best skilfully fashioned conceits, untouched
by the divine fire. The vein of true poetry which he un
doubtedly possessed appears not in his verse, but in the
unique and altogether charming descriptions of natural
scenery which are interspersed among his prose writings.
" It was the month of May, and everything was growing ;
the fields rejoiced, the woods were alive with the song of
birds." So wrote Pius n when he was borne over the vast
stretches of the Campagna, " golden with flowering broom,"
and gay in its mantle of spring flowers, " now purple, now
white, and now a thousand other hues." 2 During his
sojourn at Viterbo " the Pope went out almost every day

1 Cf. ££neas Silvius to Michael Pfullendorf, i Oct. 1444 (Wolkan,
Ep. 158, and Opera, Ep. 97). The hitherto unpublished MS. of Chrisis
is being prepared for publication by Dr. Wolkan.

2 Commentarii, lib. viii. p. 206.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 283

in the early morning before it was hot, to breathe the
fragrant air, and to view the growing crops. The blue
flax imitated the colour of heaven, and gave the greatest
delight to those who saw it. Nowhere but at Viterbo
are there so many and such vast fields of flax. The Pope
wandered everywhere, among meadows and sown land,
choosing different paths every day." x Again, it is the
poet who speaks in Pius n's description of Nemi and her
deep blue waters, so clear " that they reflect the image of
the gazer," and which earned from the ancients the title
of the Mirror of Diana. The lake, he says, lies hidden in
a deep valley, and the surrounding slopes are a veritable
forest of fruit trees. " Some slopes are covered with
chestnuts and others with hazels. There are diverse kinds
of apple, and below them the humble medlar, and trees which
bear pears, plums, and quinces." A road runs all round
the lake, rambling through cool glades where the sun's
rays cannot penetrate. ' There is no more pleasant place
in summer than these shady paths. It is the meet haunt
of poets ; nowhere would the poetic flame be kindled if it
slumbered here. It is the home of the Muses, the hiding-
place of nymphs. True is the legend which tells us that it
is Diana's bower." 2 The man who could write thus had
the poet's vision if he had not the poet's lyre. These
descriptions of Italian scenery are prose idylls, springing
from the heart of a lover.

Among his contemporaries /Eneas was probably most
celebrated as a pamphleteer. In the course of his career
he wrote a series of tracts upon the great ecclesiastical
question of the day, the position and authority of General
Councils. The cycle begins with his unqualified champion
ship of the Conciliar theory in the Dialogues composed
at Basel (1440), 3 and it does not terminate until 1463,
when the Bull In minoribus agentes proclaimed his final
repudiation of the " Basel heresy." Between these two

1 Commentarii, lib. viii. p. 207. 2 Ibid., lib. xi. p. 307.

3 Cf. above, p. 68.

284 POPE PIUS II

extremes lie letters, essays, dialogues, and Bulls, which
treat of the same subject from many and diverse points
of view. ^Eneas's letter to his friend Hartung von Keppel l
and his dialogue entitled Pentalogus 2 both belong to the
year 1443. Here the author is still firm on the general
principle of the Conciliar movement, but he holds no
brief for the Council of Basel. He is the servant of the
Emperor, and the apologist of German neutrality, who
discusses the quarrel between Pope and Council from the
point of view of an onlooker. The special object of the
Pentalogus was to advocate the summons of a fresh Council,
or Congress of princes, for the purpose of judging between
the combatants.

Three years later, in 1446, ^Eneas wrote the tract
De Ortu et authoritate Romani Imperil, which is in some
respects the most important of the series.3 By this time
our hero had declared himself decisively on the side of
the Papacy. He had made his own peace with Eugenius iv,
and was about to enter upon those delicate negotiations
which brought Germany to the feet of the Pope. Thus
his main object was to impart some degree of self-confidence
to the timorous Emperor, lest he should spoil the plans
of the Papal party by an abject submission to the princes.4
In form, the De Ortu is no mere pamphlet, but a treatise
on political science. Beginning with a philosophical
account of the origin of the State, he shows that men
were led by reason first to ordered society, and then to
kingship, as the sole means of restraining their selfish
passions. '' Thus the kingly power of Rome which we call
the Holy Roman Empire derives its origin from that same
human reason which is the source of all good living, and
which all must obey." His conception of the State is
no other than the mediaeval theory of the Holy Roman

1 Cf. above, p. 84. 2 Cf. above, p. 75.

3 Printed in Goldast, Monarchia, T. ii. p. 1558. Cf. p. no, above.

4 Cf. Voigt, i. p. 352. Meusel, Enea Silvio als Publicist, finds the
origin of the tract in motives purely personal to the author; but his
personal and political interests were identical at this period.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 285

Empire, in which Pope and Emperor rule as twin powers,
supreme in their respective spheres. The treatise is
based on the works of mediaeval publicists — S. Thomas
Aquinas, Engelbert, and Jordanus of Osnabriich — while it
borrows largely from Nicholas of Cusa. Cicero is its chief
authority among the ancients, and there are traces of
the influence of Sallust, Seneca, and Boethius. Its dis
tinguishing feature is an unhesitating assertion of Imperial
absolutism. For the first time in German history the
Holy Roman Emperor is invested with the absolute
authority of the Caesars. He is " lord of laws," and it is
" of grace " alone if he allows himself to be bound by
them. All limitations on his authority are invalid ; there
is no appeal from his sentence; all owe him obedience.
It is a strange irony of fate that the principle of absolutism,
from which the princes derived such advantage in the
century that followed, should have been first expounded
in Germany in a tract designed to encourage the Emperor
in resisting their pretensions.

All that was said in De Ortu of the authority of the
Emperor applied with equal force to that of the Pope.
He is the absolute monarch par excellence, and the author
explains the Emperor's absolutism by saying that he is
as supreme in the temporal sphere as the Pope is in the
spiritual. There is no room for any conception of a
Council as a rival, far less as a superior authority to the
Papacy. It was a complete volte face on the part of the
author of the Dialogues, and when ^Eneas, the newly
appointed Bishop of Trieste, went to Cologne in 1447,
on the Emperor's business, he was subjected to some
plain criticism on his apostasy. In the course of a banquet
given by the University, he was reminded by the Rector
and Professors of his lucid exposition of the Conciliar
theory seven years before.1 His persuasive words had
moved them to acknowledge the Council of Basel as a

1 The Dialogues were written to remove the doubts of the University
of Cologne with regard to the Council of Basel.

286 POPE PIUS II

true and undoubted Council of the Church. Could it
have been the prospect of a Bishopric which had caused
so remarkable a change of front ? ^neas's reply to the
taunts of the University is the first written retraction of
his earlier opinions, and it takes its place among his
many exercises in the art of explaining himself.1 Here,
as elsewhere, his past errors are ascribed to youth, in
experience, and evil example. He can only thank God
that, like Saul and Augustine before him, he has seen his
mistake and has been led to repentance.

But the past could not be blotted out thus easily,
and his advocacy of the claims of a General Council were
cast in his teeth on many subsequent occasions. The
Ger mania? perhaps the most attractive of his polemical
essays, was written to show the prosperity which Germany
enjoyed under Papal rule and the confusion into which
she had been plunged by the champions of the Conciliar
movement. The Bull Execrabilis,3 which set its seal
upon the proceedings at Mantua, may claim a place in
the same cycle. Finally, an appeal to a future Council
from the University of Cologne, citing the authority of
.^neas Silvius, called forth the Bull In minoribus agentes.
Thus the University which had been the cause of ^neas's
first pamphlet also moved him to write his last. Some
men, wrote the Pope, would rather die than confess their
errors, but he will follow the example of S. Augustine,
and make full confession of his past. Once more he tells
the old familiar story of his coming to Basel, as a young
bird let loose from the University of Siena, of the influences
to which he was subjected, and of the great names which
led him astray. He speaks again of the doubts which
began to assail him ; of his transference to the Imperial
Court ; of the scales which fell from his eyes when, for the
first time, he heard both sides of the question ; and of his
conversion to an unqualified belief in the supremacy of

1 Printed in Fea, pp. 1-17. a Cf. p. 140, above.

3 Cf. p. 178, above.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 287

the successors of S. Peter over the Catholic Church. " If
you find anything contrary to this doctrine either in our
Dialogues or in our Letters, or in our other works (for we
wrote much in our youth), cast it forth in contempt.
Follow what we now say : believe the old man rather
than the Pope ; reject ^Eneas, accept Pius ; the Gentile
name was given us by our parents at our birth, the
Christian name we took on our Pontificate." 1

So the cycle was completed, and in it ^Eneas has left
ample proof of his talents as a writer of political tracts.
Eloquence, as he knew full well, was the most powerful
weapon in his armoury. He had made himself a past
master in the tricks of the trade, and the rules laid down
in his treatise on the Art of Rhetoric z were consistently
applied to his own writings. He usually began by an
appreciation of the position of his opponents, or by
extolling their personal merits. In answering objections,
he chose out those which were easiest to refute, and made
them the basis of his arguments. The points which
presented greater difficulty were treated lightly, as matters
of minor importance. All this he did deliberately and
effectively, and the arts which he acquired by practice
combined with his natural gift of persuasion to make him
almost an ideal pamphleteer. Yet the value of a tract,
as such, cannot be more than ephemeral, and it is not
altogether easy to assign to ^Eneas's productions their
permanent place in literature. Perhaps the most obvious
conclusion to be drawn from them is that the author is
only mildly interested in questions of abstract thought.
He reveals himself in his essays as a man of letters, a
gifted amateur in politics, and a dilettante in matters
ecclesiastical, not as a political theorist or a theologian.
His conception of philosophy is narrow. It is a guide
to right conduct, and a subject treated of by masters of

1 Complete in Fea, pp. 148-64; extracts in Raynaldus, 1463,
No. 114.

z Artis Rhctoncae Praecepta (Opera, pp. 992-1034. Written in 1456).

288 POPE PIUS II

style. " Respect towards women, love of home and
children, reverence for old age, pity for the distressed,
justice towards all ; self-control in anger, restraint in
indulgence, modesty in success, courage in misfortune —
these are some of the virtues to which philosophy will
lead you." 1 So wrote ^Eneas in his treatise on Education.
His advice to young Ladislas for the study of the subject
is to commit a few sentences from the best authors to
memory daily.2

The value of ^Eneas' s treatises lies less in his handling
of the main subject than in the means which he uses for
its presentment. What lives in the Germania is not the
vindication of Papal policy, but the unrivalled descrip
tion of Germany in the fifteenth century, in which the
wealth of the author's knowledge and observation is laid
under contribution to give an attractive and informing
picture of every town that he mentions. We read the
Dialogues to-day not for the arguments in support of
the Conciliar movement, but for the sketch of daily life
at Basel which they contain. The reasoning with which
Caccia met and overcame Cusa's objections is forgotten,
but the cheerful conversation of ^Eneas and his friend
Martin still lives in the memory. Cusa and Caccia seat
themselves on a grassy bank by the river-side in order
to continue their discussion. As the sun declines they
pause to say Vespers, and the other pair congratulate
themselves on being able to spend their time in cultured
conversation instead of wasting the precious hours in the
recitation of Offices. The four companions reach the
gates of Basel, and the needy ^Eneas joyfully accepts an
invitation to supper. These are some of the delicate,
sharply cut vignettes which adorn the pages of the
Dialogues, and these are the features which give them a
permanent place in literature.

Through every phase in his varied existence, ^Eneas

1 De Liberorum Educatione (Opera, p. 991). Cf. above, p. no.

2 Op. cit., p. 975.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 289

had two main interests — his fellow- creatures and the world
in which they lived. True child of the Renaissance, he
played his part in " the rediscovery of the world and the
rediscovery of man." In his historical works his heart
was in his subject, and here his literary greatness revealed
itself. The universal springtime of the fifteenth century
saw a new birth in the study of history. In the Middle
Ages, when the noblest minds sought escape from the world,
the origin and conditions of European nations evoked
little interest. When, however, with the dawn of the
Renaissance, the world became something to be enjoyed
and understood to the uttermost, the scholar who gloried
in the name of humanist seized every opportunity of adding
to his historical knowledge. The historians of antiquity
held the first place in his esteem, but his very admiration
for them inspired him to exercise his talents upon the
record of contemporary events, in the hope of performing
for his own age the services which the classical writers
had rendered to the past. Among the host of Renaissance
historians, none was more thoroughly imbued with the
spirit of his age than the humanist Pope. He, almost alone
among his contemporaries, rose superior to the classical
prejudices of the day, and thought it worth while to wade
through uncouth masses of mediaeval material, in order to
learn something of the nations of Europe in their infancy.
No period of the world's history seemed to him unworthy
of a humanist's attention ; therefore he applied himself
to the study of the despised Middle Ages, and in so doing
became the pioneer of a new development in historical
writing. As an historian no less than as a statesman, he
is a mirror of the Renaissance. His historical ideals are
those of every humanist ; his distinction lies in the personal
gifts which enabled him to put those ideals into practice.
Untiring energy, wide sympathies, extraordinary powers
of observation, and an instinct for self-expression which
made writing a necessity to him, these are some of the
qualities which distinguish ^Eneas Silvius as a man of

290 POPE PIUS II

letters, and which give him a right to be enrolled in the
company of modern historians.

From the outset of his career ^Eneas looked upon his
adventures and experiences as so much material for history.
When lack of books put him at a disadvantage in the sphere
of scholarship, he found scope for his literary instincts in
describing the scenes amongst which he was living. The
story of his various works upon the Council of Basel, and
of how they came to be written, throws much light upon
his historical methods. He had not been long at Basel
before he conceived the idea of writing a History of the
Council, and he at once produced an interesting account
of the city and its surroundings, as an introduction to his
work.1 His wandering life as a secretary prevented him
from carrying out his original intention, and his first
History was not written until 1440. Yet, throughout the
intervening years, he was collecting material and improving
his style by means of his letters. Written when the events
which they record were fresh in the author's mind, they
form, as it were, the documents on which he based his
more mature work. ^Eneas's reports to Siena on the pro
ceedings of the Council 2 form an important part of the
collection, as does his famous letter to Piero da Noceto,
describing the breach between the moderates and the
extremists in May 1437. 3 The Commentaries on the
Council of Basel, written in 1440, has the form of an
historical work, but in substance it belongs to the pre
liminary collection of documents.4 Beginning with an
account of the negotiations leading to Eugenius iv's de
position and the election of the anti-Pope, it concludes
with a letter to John of Segovia describing the ceremonies
of Felix v's coronation. Thus the events of which it treats
are practically confined to the year 1439, and the author's
point of view is frankly that of Felix v's secretary and

1 Cf. above, pp. 33-5. 2 Cf. above, p. 53. 3 Cf. above, p. 59.

4 Commentariorum de Gestis Basiliensis Concilii (Opera, pp. 1-63).
Cf, above, p. 69,

THE MAN OF LETTERS 291

champion. He is full of admiration for the energetic
leader of the anti-Papal party, Louis, Cardinal of Aries,
and he speaks confidently of the happy era which has
dawned for the Church under the auspices of her new
shepherd, Felix v. Eugenius iv, on the other hand, is alluded
to as plain Gabriel Condulmier, " a reed shaken by the
wind," and an object of dislike and contempt. Yet ^Eneas's
historical instincts were too strong for him to write a mere
political tract. He could not refrain from describing the
quarrels and idiosyncrasies of the stalwarts at Basel in a
way that was hardly calculated to enhance the Council's
prestige in the eyes of Europe. With an eye for picturesque
details and striking situations, he paints a truer picture
than he intended, and reveals aspects of the Council alto
gether beyond the ken of its conscientious chronicler John
of Segovia.

Some ten years later, between 1448 and 1451, ^Eneas
gave his final verdict upon the Conciliar movement in De
Rebus Basiliae Gestis Commentarius.1 Here the author's
obj ect is to give a brief survey of the history of the Council
of Basel, in order that posterity may know " how in our
days the schism was born and nourished, grew and expired."
Beginning with the publication of the Constance decrees
providing for the recurrence of General Councils, he traces
the course of events at Basel from the opening of the Council
until its dissolution in 1449. De Rebus Basiliae Gestis
thus forms a brilliant historical essay in which the graphic
descriptions, ironic comments, and shrewd summaries of
character are a heritage from the author's earlier writings,
while the well-preserved proportions, sane judgments, and
clear, terse style bear witness to his ripened powers. ^Eneas's
opinions had undergone considerable modification since
1440, and he now wrote of the Conciliar movement as
revolutionary and inimical to the Church. Felix v, whose
coronation he had hailed with paeans of thanksgiving, is
dismissed as " more useful to the Church by his death than

1 Printed in Fea, Pius II a calumniis vindicatus, pp. 31-115.

292 POPE PIUS II

by his life." His History is undeniably biased, yet it
never forfeits the name of history by descending to mere
perversion of fact. The sum total of ^Eneas' s writings on
the Council render him the principal authority on the
subject to-day. Few who have not turned his sparkling
pages realise how largely the material, and indeed the
very phrases of later historians are due to the active pen of
this condottiere of letters.

The most productive years of ^Eneas's life, from a literary
point of view, were those in which he was living in Rome
as a Cardinal. As compared with his multifarious activities
at the Imperial Court and with the cares of his Pontificate,
it was a time of leisure, while the libraries of Rome gave
him access to books which he had coveted from his student-
days. The History of Frederick III 1 and the History of
Bohemia 2 bear witness to the use which he made of two
years' respite from more arduous labours. Here again,
the works which he brought to completion in Rome embody
miscellaneous writings covering the whole period of his
soj ourn in Germany. The description of Vienna with which
his Frederick III opens was written in 1438, and the im
pression of size and prosperity which he gained from his
first visit to the city still lingers in its phrases. " The
amount of provisions which are brought into the city every
day seems almost incredible. There are many wagon-loads
of eggs and crabs, while white bread, meat, fish, and game
are brought in great quantities. When evening falls you
will find nothing left for sale." 3 One can almost see the
keen-eyed Italian standing in the market and watching
the immense stores of provisions gradually diminishing
as the day wore on. The account of Frederick m's journey
to Italy for his coronation and marriage is practically
^neas's diary of an expedition in which he played the part

1 Historia Friderici III (printed in Kollar, An. Mon. Vindobon., ii.
pp. 1-476).

z Historia Bohemica (printed in Opera, pp. 81-143).

3 ^Eneas Silvius to a friend in Basel, April 1438 (Wolkan, Ep. 27 ;
Opera, Ep. 165).

THE MAN OF LETTERS 293

of organiser-in-chief . For the Diet of Regensburg, and the
fruitless efforts to stir up Europe to avenge the fall of
Constantinople, he had his own History, written three
months after the close of the Congress.1 For other episodes
he found useful material in his De Viris Claris,2 a collection
of some fifty biographical sketches written between 1444
and 1450, in which the exploits of famous contemporaries,
soldiers and statesmen, ecclesiastics and scholars, are
recorded almost at haphazard, as if they had been jotted
down in the historian's notebook for use on some future
occasion. Besides his own writings, he could rely upon the
letters of his numerous friends in Germany, and from
them he obtained first-hand accounts of events which he
did not himself witness, such as the heroic relief of Belgrad
and the death of King Ladislas.

The circumstances of his earlier life had given ^neas
peculiar interest in Bohemia and considerable personal
knowledge of its inhabitants. He saw the Hussite leaders
ride into Basel for the Conference in 1433. In 1451 he was
sent by Frederick in to attend the Bohemian Diet at
Beneschau. Both going and returning he passed through
Tabor, the stronghold of the extreme Hussites, and he
afterwards wrote a letter to Carvajal describing all that he
had heard and seen there. While he tarried in Rome in
1455, hoping to receive a Cardinal's hat, he pleaded with
Calixtus in for the recognition of the Compacts in an ora
tion which gave an attractive and illuminating account of
the conditions prevailing in Bohemia. With this oration
still fresh in his mind he embarked upon his History. The
author's attitude towards the religion of the Bohemians
is throughout that of the orthodox Catholic. The Hussites
are, in his eyes, " men who deny obedience to the Roman
Church and forsake the religion of -their ancestors, slayers
of priests, spoilers of the Church, without faith or good

1 Historia de Ratisponensi Dieta (printed in Mansi, Orationes, vol. iii.
pp. 1-85).

2 De Viris aetate sua Claris (Mansi, iii. pp. 144-214).

294 POPE PIUS II

works." At Tabor he was filled with holy horror at finding
himself in a city where " there are as many heresies as there
are heads, and where every one is at liberty to believe what
he will." l A creed of which the adherents despised the
sacraments, refused to consecrate their churches, buried
their dead in the fields like beasts, and only cared about
hearing sermons, seemed to him a mere travesty of religion.
The Taborites boasted that they followed the practices of
primitive Christian society, and had all things in common.
But " the first disciples distributed of their own goods to
the brethren, and took nothing from strangers save what
was freely given for the love of Christ. These men plunder
the goods of others, and live in common upon the spoils
of violence." 2 In the face of the prosperity and the
victories of these impious heretics, ^Eneas feels obliged to
evolve a theory by which to reconcile their present fortune
with Divine justice. " As no one is so wicked as to be with
out one spark of good," he writes, " God rewards the good
in these persons with the blessings of this frail and fleeting
life. Eternal light He cannot grant them, by reason of
the greatness of their sins." 3 Nevertheless, Jineas is
fascinated by the Bohemians even while he disapproves.
When he describes the fierce bravery of the Hussite warriors,
or the holy fortitude with which Hus and Jerome of Prag
met their death at the stake, he writes with sympathy and
enthusiasm. In the days of the Catholic Reaction this
separation of heretics from their heresy was a crime for
which unimpeachable orthodoxy could not atone, and Pope
Pius n's Historia Bohemica eventually found its way on to
the Index.

Neither the History of Bohemia nor the History of
Frederick III are limited to the events of the author's own
day. His main authorities for the early history of Bohemia
are the chronicles of Pulkawa and Dalimil, and the ancient

1 JEneas Silvius to Cardinal Carvajal, 21 August 1451 (Opera, Ep. 130,
p. 661).

2 Loc. cit., p. 662. 3 Historia Bohemica (Opera), p. 81.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 295

sagas, telling of Cech, Krok, and other legendary heroes of
the Tchech nation. ^Eneas's critical spirit prevented him
from giving credence to their least plausible statements,
but he lacked the material with which to correct their
errors. For the introductory chapters of his Frederick III
he was forced to make use of " a certain history which
they call Austrian, written in the German tongue, which is
both stupid and lying, the work of one of whom it is hard
to judge whether he is more knave or fool." l He proceeds
to expose the follies and inaccuracies of this " two-legged
ass " with rather wearisome fulness, until the works of
Otto of Freisingen provide him with worthier material. For
Otto, the uncle of Barbarossa, who ranks with our hero in
the goodly company of historians who are also ecclesiastics,
^Eneas has the warmest admiration. " It is praiseworthy
in Otto," he writes, " that although he records the deeds
of his brother and nephew, who were enemies of the Roman
Pontiffs, he so obeys the law of history that truth does not
suffer from his kinship, nor his kinship from truth." 2

Pius n's accession to the Papacy might well be expected
to have put an end to his literary work. But the habits
of a lifetime are hard to set aside, and during the years of
his Pontificate he dedicated to history hours that should
have been spent in rest and sleep. The last book of the
Commentaries carries the events of his reign down to the
spring of 1464, the eve of his departure for Ancona. His
motive for writing a history of his Pontificate is characteristic
both of himself and of his age. A true humanist in his
thirst for glory, he longed for his name to live after him,
and he considered it the plain duty of every ruler to take
thought for his future reputation. In the case of a Pope
this was all the more necessary, as the very prominence
of his position placed him more at the mercy of envious
tongues. But " envy will cease with death," and with
the disappearance of personal passions which pervert
justice, true fame will have its opportunity, " Pius will

1 Historia Friderici III, p. 15. z Ibid., p. 29.

296 POPE PIUS II

be praised among illustrious Popes.'' 1 Hence the man
who all through his life had taken pleasure in explaining
himself determined to provide posterity with the material
upon which a true judgment of his character could be
based. Thus Pius is himself the hero of his last and
greatest work. This fact alone gives higher artistic value
to the Commentaries than is possessed by his earlier
writings. In them proportion is apt to suffer from the
inveterate egoism which makes ^Eneas Silvius loom larger
than the central figures of the canvas. In the Commentaries
the author's egoism can have full play, and the more his
personality predominates the greater the unity of the
whole.

The first book of the Commentaries treats of the origins
of the author's family, and gives a brief sketch of his career
up to 1458 ; the remaining twelve books are devoted to
the events of his Pontificate.2 Yet we have here far more
than a history of Pius n's brief reign. At every turn
episodes are introduced relating to the history of those
States and individuals with which the author came into
contact. Pius stays at Florence on his way to Mantua,
and so pauses in his narrative to explain the peculiar
position of the Medici, and to enumerate the great men of
all ages who have made Florence famous. The arrival of
Francesco Sforza at Mantua provides the occasion for a
digression on the Duchy of Milan in which the author
relates how " the once powerful kingdom of the Lombards,
with its rich territories, passed to the Sforza, whose ancestors
within the memory of our fathers hardly possessed as much
land as they could till." 3 In the same way, the' account of
Pius u's negotiations with Louis xi over the Pragmatic
Sanction is prefaced by a sketch of French history which

1 Commentaviorum Pii II Pont. Max., Praefatio.

2 The references made here to the first twelve books are to the Frank
fort edition of 1614 ; the thirteenth book is given by Voigt, vol. ii.
PP- 359-77- For the various MSS. of the Commentaries and the form in
which they were published, cf. Chapter XV., pp. 343-5.

8 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 72.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 297

traces the origin of the Hundred Years War, and gives
graphic descriptions of the battle of Agincourt, the murder
of John of Burgundy, and the career of Jeanne d'Arc.1
Thus the Commentaries embody the experience and ob
servation of a lifetime. There is hardly a great man of the
day who does not figure in their pages ; every phase of
European politics is touched upon, and every important
town in Italy is described. And all is told in a style full
of charm and individuality, in which the freshness of a
mediaeval chronicler mingles with the critical spirit of a
Renaissance scholar. It is surprising indeed that so re
markable a book should be so comparatively little known.
It is impossible to dwell upon the numerous historical
essays scattered up and down our hero's works. In the
Basel Dialogues ^Eneas takes advantage of a chance
reference to the excommunication of King Lothair by
Pope Nicholas i to ask his friend Martin for an account
of the origins of French history. The sketch which follows
is an example of his insatiable thirst for historical informa
tion. The same spirit inspires a history of the Goths
which he compiled from a manuscript by one Jordanis,
discovered in a German monastery, and the abridged
edition of the Decades of Flavius Blondus which he made
during his Pontificate.2 The most enterprising of his
undertakings was his plan for a Cosmographia, or uni
versal history and geography. One day when Cardinal
Piccolomini happened to be detained in Rome by a bad
attack of gout, a bookseller came to him with the request
that he would revise and finish a certain sketch of the
history of the Empire which he had in his possession.3
Thereupon ^Eneas began to collect material for a topo
graphical history of the nations of Europe as he knew
them. After he became Pope, a discussion between himself
and Federico, Duke of Urbino, as to the borders of Asia

1 Commeniarii, lib. vi. pp. 148-65. 2 Cf . p. 248, above.

3 This was the Liber Augustalis of Benvenuto da Imola. Cf.
dedicatory letter, 29 March 1458, in Freher, Ger. Rer. Script., ii.

298 POPE PIUS II

Minor took place in the course of a morning ride to Tivoli,
and this led him to extend the scope of his work to include
Asia.1 Both Europa and Asia, as they have come down
to posterity, are little more than preliminary collections
of material, incomplete, unequal, and devoid of style.2
Nevertheless, this unfinished Cosmographia reveals ^Eneas
as one extraordinarily well versed in the literature of his
subject, and able to combine book-learning with observa
tion. The strength of the work lies in its insistence upon
the close connection between geography and history, a
characteristic which distinguishes all ^Eneas's historical
writings. His Europa formed the basis of the sixteenth-
century cosmographies of Sebastian Franck and Sebastian
Minister.3 His Asia fired the imagination of a generation
of explorers, and sent them forth to discover for them
selves the lands which he had pictured.

From a review of Pius n's historical writings, bewilder
ing in their multiplicity, it is interesting to turn to the
theory which inspired his activity. In common with
other humanists he urged the study of history, on grounds
that were entirely practical. " History is our guide to
the days that are now, because it exhibits those that are
past," he wrote in his treatise on Education,4 and he is
never tired of insisting upon the value of history in the
training of a statesman. Wisdom, he says, springs from
experience, and " the counsels of the aged are valued
owing to the manifold experience which has made them
wise." Yet one man's life is so short that human ex
perience is limited to some seventy or eighty years,
but the study of history may extend that experience
" throughout the centuries that the world has been."
In this sense it may be said that " history alone can give
to the young the wisdom that is not theirs by nature." 5

1 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 136.

2 They are printed in Opera, pp. 281-471.

3 Cf . Berg, ^Sneas Sylvius Piccolomini in seiner Bedeutung als Geograph,

P- 33-

4 Opera, p. 985. 5 Historia Friderici III, pp. 1-2.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 299

With this lofty conception before him, it was natural that
^Eneas should approach his subject in the spirit of a
scientific historian. The discovery of truth is his primary
object; "not to deviate from the paths of truth," is the
fundamental law which he dares not break. Nowhere
does he show himself more thoroughly modern than in his
attempt to lay down rules for estimating the value of
evidence. " All that is written must not necessarily be
believed," he tells us, " and only the canonical Scriptures
have undoubted authority. In other cases one must
discover who the author is, what life he led, to what sect
he belonged, and what is his personal worth. It is also
necessary to consider with what other accounts he agrees,
and from which he differs, and whether what he says is
probable, and in accordance with the time and place of
which he treats." 1 In the light of these maxims he refuses
to believe that the Bohemians once went about naked
and lived on acorns, holding that the climate would make
such customs impossible. He dismisses the theory that
the original Bohemians were among the builders of the
tower of Babel with the contemptuous remark that, if the
Bohemians were so anxious to prove their ancient lineage,
they might as well trace their ancestry to Noah's Ark,
and to our first parents in Eden.2 In answer to the
suggestion that the name Vienna originally came from
bienna, the city having twice resisted the arms of Julius
Caesar, he points out that no record of Caesar having
fought in Austria is to be found in the classical authorities.3
The same spirit shows itself in his treatment of the
problems of his own day. He will lay the facts before
his readers, suggest alternative explanations, and leave
the ultimate verdict to posterity in a way that is

1 Dialogus (Rome, 1475). This curious little work was written in
1453, and dedicated by ^Eneas to Cardinal Carvajal. The author's
journey through the realms of the dead with S. Bernardino as his guide
forms a loose bond for a collection of essays on diverse subjects.

2 Historia Bohemica, cap. 2-3 (Opera, p. 84).

3 Historia Friderici III, p. 8.

300 POPE PIUS II

quite startlingly modern. Creighton has instanced his
judgment on the career of Jeanne d'Arc. Another
example may be found in his description of a miracle of
S. Bernardino which he witnessed when the Saint was
preaching in the Piazza del Campo at Siena. " One
Sunday, when a great crowd had collected to hear
Bernardino, suddenly the face of the sky was changed,
storm succeeded calm, and torrents of rain seemed im
minent. His hearers had turned to fly, but the preacher
bade them remain and be of good cheer. Baring his
head, he offered prayers to God ; thereupon the clouds
dispersed and the sky grew clear again, so that the people
could listen in peace. This occurrence may certainly
have been accidental, nevertheless all ascribed it to the
prayers of the holy man." 1 ^Eneas had been profoundly
moved by S. Bernardino's life and teaching, and he
considered that he had " without doubt cured the sick
and performed other miracles." Yet his critical spirit
triumphed over the temptation to declare himself an eye
witness of the Saint's supernatural powers, without
showing himself aware that what he saw admitted of a
natural interpretation.

^neas strove, and strove successfully, to make himself
a scientific historian, but he was a born artist. He
possessed to the full the artist's sensitiveness to impression,
and whether the impression came to him from a scene
which he witnessed, a person with whom he came into
contact, or a manuscript which fell into his hands, he
could not fail to reproduce it as a picture. The true
lyric note sounds in his description of that stupendous
monument of a vanished civilisation — Hadrian's Villa at
Tivoli. " Walls once hung with rich tapestries and cloth
of gold are now clothed with ivy ; thorns and brambles
usurp the seats of purple-robed tribunes ; the sumptuous
dwelling-places of queens have become the abode of
serpents." 2 It rings out again when Pius tells how he

1 Historia Friderici III, p. 175. 2 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 138.

THE MAN OF LETTERS 301

sat with his Cardinals on the summit of Monte Cavo,
measuring with his eye the entire coast-line of the Papal
States from Terracina to Monte Argentaro, marking the
serpent-like course of the Tiber, looking down on the
lakes of Nemi and Albano at his feet, framed in leafy woods
and verdant pastures, and letting his eye travel over the
broom-decked spaces of the Campagna until it rested at
last upon Rome, offering herself in all her glory to his
gaze.1

Other pictures which he gives us are illumined
by flashes of half-kindly, half-malicious humour. He
describes the festivities attending the reception of
S. Andrew's head in Rome, and relates how he insisted
that all the Cardinals taking part in the final procession
to S. Peter's should go on foot. It was a great sight, he
assures us, to see old men nurtured in luxury, who would
not as a rule go a hundred yards on horseback, " accom
plishing that day two miles on foot, through the mud
and wet, carrying the weight of their priestly attire."
Corpulence in many cases added to the load, but " love
bore the burden," and the heated ecclesiastics struggled
valiantly to their goal.2 During one of his pilgrimages in
Tuscany, Pius n visited the great Sienese sanctuary of
Monte Oliveto and was profoundly impressed by the
splendid buildings, the gardens and orchards, the cool
groves and sparkling fountains which adorned this
monastic paradise. The memory of his visit lives to-day
owing to the characteristic remark with which he concludes
his description. " Great are the pleasures of the monks
who dwell there," says the inveterate worldling, " greater
still are the pleasures of those who having seen all can go
away." 3

It is the same human touch, employed in a very
different connection, which distinguishes Pius n's account
of the death-bed of the great Hungarian leader, Hunyadi,

1 Commentarii, lib. xi. p. 301.

2 Ibid., lib. viii. p. 198. 3 Ibid., lib. x. p. 263.

302 POPE PIUS II

After telling of his exploits against the Turks, culminating
in the brilliant relief of Belgrad, Pius writes : " When
he knew that his last hour had come, he would not suffer
the Body of the Lord to be brought to him, saying that
it was not meet for a King to enter the house of a servant.
Rising from his bed, he commanded that he should be
carried into the Church, and there he made confession
after the manner of Christians ; then, amid the ministra
tions of the priests, he gave back his soul to God." 1 In
this tender story Pius has left a finished sketch of
Hunyadi's simple, heroic character. The scientific historian
may aim at writing true history, but it needs an artist
to present truth in a form which the human mind can
realise and remember.

Pius n's great biographer Voigt, who always regarded
his hero as something of a charlatan, accuses him of sacri
ficing truth to artistic effect, and of thus vitiating his work
as an historian. Pius certainly realised that the permanent
impression of the events which he recorded depended
largely upon the way in which they were brought before
his readers. " Great is eloquence," he once said, " and if
truth be told, nothing so much rules the world." 2 A busy
life often prevented him from giving the necessary finish
to his writings, and his by no means faultless Latinity
condemned him in the eyes of his contemporaries. Never
theless, he paid deliberate attention . to style, making it
his aim to write " as a clever man speaks when he lets him
self go, and does not wish to show off either his taste or his
learning." 3 He disliked copying documents verbatim,
fearing that their uncouth form would spoil the artistic
unity of his work, and preferring to summarise their
contents in his own words. A comparison between the
Commentaries and the collected editions of Pius n's Bulls

1 Historia Fvidevici III, p. 465, and Europa, cap. i.

z ^neas Silvius to Adam Moleyns, 29 May 1444 (Wolkan, Ep. 143 ;
Opera, Ep. 65).

3 Cf. Voigt, vol. ii. p. 257, and the interesting letter on style to
Zbigniew, Bishop of Cracow, 27 Oct. 1453 (Opera, Ep. 402).

THE MAN OF LETTERS 303

and orations shows a tendency to improve even his own
compositions when transcribing them in his narrative. In
the same way, he followed the approved classical tradition
of putting speeches of his own making into the mouths of
historical personages, as a means of summing up the issues
and sentiments of the moment. Yet all these character
istics are questions of method rather than of principle, and
they detract nothing from the truthfulness of the general
impression which he conveys. If Pius failed at times to
keep " the law of history," it is the politician and not the
artist who must bear the blame. The politician was im
pelled to write, at subsequent stages of his career, as the
champion or the critic of the Conciliar movement, as the
obsequious servant of Frederick in, or as the panegyrist
of Pope Pius n. The artist, meanwhile, fought on the side
of historical veracity, and painted a truthful picture almost
against the will of the author. The sincerity of ^Eneas
Silvius, in the sphere of letters as in practical life, will
always remain more or less of a problem, and varied as
are the solutions offered, certain obvious flaws in his
character prevent the question from being answered en
tirely in his favour. Nevertheless, his strength lies in the
possession of qualities of mind and heart peculiarly fitted
for dealing with men, both in the world around him and in
his literary work. Sympathy and observation enabled
him to read the characters of those who controlled the
destinies of Europe and to sway their policy. Sympathy
and observation enabled him to appreciate the men and
movements of all ages, and to make them live again in the
pages of his history.

CHAPTER XIV
PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE

IN the history of Pius n's dealings with Italy and
Europe the affairs of the East play a subordinate
part. At times it seemed as if they were in danger of
being thrust aside owing to the pressure of events nearer
home. Nevertheless, they never for one moment lost
their prominence in the Pope's mind. To him the Italian
wars and the diplomatic struggle in France and the Empire
were, from first to last, a means towards an end ; the
ultimate object underlying every phase of the Papal policy
was the marshalling of a united Christendom against
the infidel. To the Princes of Europe, however, the means
were vastly more important than the end. The crusading
cause demanded a prompt settlement of the political
problems of the day in order that Europe might be free to
wage war on the Turk. But the Princes, where their
personal interests were involved, cared little about the
promptitude of the settlement, and a great deal about its
terms. Therefore Europe wasted itself in petty warfare
and interminable negotiations, while the Turks pursued
their victorious course with a steadiness that knew no
obstacle.

Before the opening of the Congress of Mantua the news
reached Rome that Servia had become a Turkish province,
and in the summer of 1459, Semendria, the last Servian
stronghold on the Danube, was treacherously sold to the
Turk by its guardian, Stephan, son of the King of Bosnia.
" This event," says Pius, " was as great a blow to the hearts

304

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 305

of the Hungarians as the loss of Constantinople." l Mean
while a similar fate was overhanging Bosnia. This un
happy country was hampered in its struggle for existence
by dynastic quarrels and religious dissension. It was
looked upon with suspicion by the Western Church as a
stronghold of the ancient Manichean heresy,2 and it had long
wavered between allegiance to the King of Hungary and
acceptance of the Turkish yoke. The efforts of Carvajal
at last prompted Bosnia to recognise the suzerainty of
Hungary, and when young Stephan succeeded to his father's
throne in 1461, he belied the evil reputation which he had
earned at Semendria by definitely taking his stand upon
the side of Catholic Europe. In November 1462 he sent an
embassy to Rome, seeking Papal recognition as a Christian
monarch, and begging for aid against the Turk. He showed,
convincingly enough, that Bosnia would be but the stepping-
stone to further inroads. The storm would break upon
his unhappy kingdom, but Hungary and the Venetian
dominions would soon experience its terrors, and Italy
itself would not long remain undisturbed.3 Pius at once
promised all the help in his power, and sent a legate to
plead Stephan 's cause with Hungary and Venice. But
while Europe negotiated the Turk acted. In May 1463,
before any of the Pope's schemes could bear fruit, the
Sultan descended upon Bosnia. The secret support of
the Manichees gave him an easy entry into the country,
and in a few brief weeks Stephan was taken and beheaded,
while his wife and mother fled with some faithful followers
to Rome. Thus one more province was lost to Christendom
through the dilatoriness and apathy of the Christian powers.
Well might Pius reply to the repeated appeals of Carvajal :
" We know how you should be equipped for a success
ful continuation of your work. We know what is neces
sary for the health of Christendom. But, beloved son,

1 Commentarii, lib. iii. p. 64.

2 Cf. Ibid., p. 63.

3 Ibid., lib. xi. p. 298.
20

306 POPE PIUS II

we can do no more ; our powers lag far behind our
desires." x

The same years saw the overthrow of the last remnant
of the Palseologian Empire. After the fall of Constanti
nople, the Emperor's two brothers, Demetrius and Thomas,
were permitted to continue as despots of the Morea, on
condition of paying tribute to the Sultan. The brothers
maintained separate courts, Thomas residing at Patras
and Demetrius at Mistra, and, in the opinion of a contem
porary, their mutual hatred was such that " each would
gladly have devoured the other's heart." 2 Thomas was so
far superior to his brother that he was not content to acqui
esce tamely in whatever treatment the Sultan might choose
to mete out to him. When his overlord calmly took posses
sion of a large slice of his territory, he appealed for help
to the Congress of Mantua. Three hundred Italians were
sent to his aid, a hundred of whom were paid and equipped
by the Duchess of Milan. These troops took part in
Thomas's vain attempt to storm Patras in the autumn of
1459, but they were powerless to resist the Sultan's ven
geance. Not many months later the Morea passed directly
beneath the Turkish yoke. Thomas fled to Rome, and
Demetrius retired with a pension to Adrianople, while
his daughter entered Mahomet n's harem.

In September 1461 the Venetians brought news of the
fall of Sinope and, with it, the little Empire of Trebizond
upon the shores of the Black Sea. Only in Albania the
bold adventurer Scanderbeg still maintained his inde
pendence, and even he, despairing of help from Europe,
was forced to sign a disadvantageous truce with the Sultan.
In 1462 Mahomet n launched a fleet in the ^Egean which
was destined to overthrow the rule of the Knights of
S. John at Rhodes. The Knights succeeded in holding
their own, but the Genoese Government was expelled from
Lesbos with ruthless violence, while some Venetian ships

1 Pius ii to Carvajal, n June 1459. Cf. Voigt, vol. iii. p. 54.

2 Cf. Voigt, vol. iii. p. 55.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 307

stood near at hand not daring to succour their compatriots
for fear of embroiling their own Republic with the all-
powerful Turk. To Pius n, the fall of historic Lesbos, the
home of Sappho and of Alcaeus, seemed a bitter tragedy.
His sorrow found expression in the sketch of its history
which he gives in the Commentaries. Here the humanist
Pope paints the vanished glories of Lesbos " in order that
we may better understand our loss, and may perhaps be
ashamed of our slothfulness, and may go forth with more
willing hearts against the enemies of our Faith." 1

Meanwhile the tale of disaster in the East was repeatedly
brought home to Italy by the arrival of victims of the
Turkish onslaught, seeking refuge and imploring aid. As
with beggars of a humbler kind, it was difficult to distinguish
genuine cases from impostors. Many a needy adventurer
discovered that a picturesque costume, a sensational story,
and a high-sounding Oriental title could be turned to con
siderable profit in Western Europe. Among the earliest
of these somewhat shady suppliants was one Moses Giblet,
Archdeacon of Antioch, who visited the Pope at Siena in
April 1460, bearing letters from the Patriarchs of Jerusalem,
Antioch, and Alexandria, in which they professed their
obedience to the Western Church and besought Papal
protection. Giblet came of a distinguished Syrian family,
and Pius n found him " well versed in Greek and Syrian
literature." 2 Yet the bare record of the incident in the
Commentaries seems to indicate that the Pope regarded it
with more suspicion than satisfaction, and it was entirely
without practical result. In December of the same year
an embassy on a far more magnificent scale appeared in
Rome. The company, we learn, included envoys from
" David, Emperor of Trebizond ; George, King of Persia ;
the King of Mesopotamia ; Gorgora, Duke of Greater Iberia ;
and Urtebecus, Lord of Armenia Minor. . . . These legates
were so strange in manners and dress that they were a
cause of astonishment to all. Wherever they went they

1 Commentarii, lib. x. p. 244. 2 Ibid., lib. iv. p. 103.

308 POPE PIUS II

drew the gaze of the people, and a crowd of boys followed
them in the streets." 1 Some of the party were tonsured
like monks, and the Mesopotamian envoy's hea.d was
clean shaven except for a waving tuft of hair on his crown.
They possessed voracious appetites, and were said to con
sume twenty pounds of meat apiece every day. " If our
contest were over a banquet," said the Pope to Campano,
" we should be certain of victory with these men as our
allies." 2 These strange visitors were marshalled by a
Franciscan, Lodovico of Bologna, who had been sent on
a mission to the East some years before. The embassy
was to all appearance genuine. It had visited Frederick in
on the way through Germany, and had been received with
every mark of honour by the Venetian Republic. Its
proposals, moreover, were as splendid as its equipment.
The envoys offered, in the name of their respective masters,
to bring an army of 120,000 men into the field with which
to attack the Turk from Asia, on condition that the powers
of Europe attacked with an equal force from the West.
Pius could not fall short of Venice in his hospitality. He
entertained the envoys in Rome, and advised them to
visit the Courts of Burgundy and France, in order to ex
pound their proposals and solicit aid. He even went so
far as to pay the expenses of their journey ; but he turned
a deaf ear to Lodovico's request that he should be made
Patriarch of the Eastern Christians professing the Roman
obedience. The envoys arrived in France in time to see
the funeral of Charles vn and the coronation of Louis xi,
and they were duly impressed by the sumptuous brilliancy
which distinguished the Burgundian Court. " Behold, we
come like wise men from the East to the star which we have
seen in the West," said the spokesman of the party to
Duke Philip.3 Nevertheless, in neither place did they evoke
enthusiasm for their cause or obtain any material aid, and
in the meantime doubts as to their character began to arise

1 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 127. 2 Campano, Vita Pii II.

3 Pii ii, Epistolae (Opera, Ep. 380, p. 855).

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 309

in Rome. Contrary to the Pope's express orders, Lodovico
had freely styled himself Patriarch during his mission, and
had used the title to extort money from the faithful. Could
it be that he was a liar and a deceiver, that his companions
were masquer aders and their letters forgeries ? Pius n
could not bring himself to believe that the embassy was
imposturous, and although its members received a luke
warm welcome on their return to Rome, they were allowed
to depart for Venice without open scandal. Soon after
wards the Pope's eyes were opened to the true nature of
the embassy by the news that Lodovico had obtained
consecration as Patriarch from some unsuspecting Bishops.
Pius immediately gave orders for Lodovico's arrest ; but
before they could be put into effect, the charlatan had
disappeared, and nothing more was heard of him or of his
companions. From that time forward the Pope preserved
a deep-rooted suspicion of " Orientals and those coming
from beyond the seas, especially when they are needy and
of obscure fame." 1

The year 1461 brought two more suppliants to the feet
of the Holy Father. Neither their identity nor their good
faith could be called in question, yet they were as necessitous
as their forerunners, and they made even larger demands
upon the Papal bounty. On 15 October 1461 a beautiful
and distressed lady arrived at the Vatican and besought
Pius ii for aid. This was Charlotte of Lusignan, Queen of
Cyprus, whose kingdom had been usurped by her illegitimate
brother James, acting in concert with the Turk. Queen
Charlotte was married to Louis, son of the Duke of Savoy,
and he, at this moment, was closely besieged in the fortress
of Cerina by the forces of the usurper. The plucky girl
had been stirred to action by Louis's misfortune, and had

1 Commentarii, lib. viii. p. 192. It was the reception accorded to the
envoys in Venice that first led the Pope to trust them, " quae res fecit
ut veri oratores crederentur, propter commercium quod Veneti cum
Orientalibus habent." A warning from the Doge enabled Lodovico to
escape arrest at the last. Could it be that the Venetian Republic was a
party to the fraud ?

3io

POPE PIUS II

come alone to Western Europe in order to seek aid for her
self and her husband. Pius considered that the responsi
bility of providing for her lay with Savoy, and he even
sent Cardinal Estouteville to Ostia to dissuade Charlotte
from coming to Rome. x But when she persisted, and actually
made her appearance at the Vatican, her bright eyes and
winning speech proved too much for the Pope's obduracy.
He treated her with marked kindness, and promised to
pay the expenses of her journey to Savoy. After visiting
the sights of Rome, Charlotte departed on her quest with
an escort of fifty horse, and with letters of recommenda
tion to the various cities through which she would pass.
Unfortunately for her cause, the Duke of Savoy was less soft
hearted than the Pope. He complained loudly that Cyprus
would exhaust Savoy with its perpetual demands for men
and money, and he even went so far as to say that no honest
young woman would leave her husband to make voyages
to the West.2 Sad at heart, Charlotte abandoned further
effort, and returned by way of Mantua and Venice to Rhodes.
She never regained her lost kingdom, and in a few years'
time she too came to swell the band of refugees from the
East in Rome.

One day in Lent 1461 the fugitive Thomas Palaeologus
arrived in Rome with his wife and four children. Common
opinion pronounced him to be a fine man, grave yet pleasing
in expression, with good manners and princely bearing.
He brought with him seventy horses, of which all but three
were borrowed, and he seemed entirely without resources.3
Pius was full of sympathy for the exile, and gave him lodgings
at Santo Spirito, with a pension of three hundred ducats
a month, to which the Cardinals added two hundred ducats.4
After a few vain attempts to find allies who would help

1 Cf . Pastor, vol. iii. p. 253, quoting from the dispatches of the Mantuan
ambassador in Rome.

2 Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 180.

8 Cf. Bartolomeo Bonatto to Barbara of Mantua, 9 March 1461 (Pastor,
vol. iii. Appendix 43, from the Gonzaga Archives').
4 Commentarii, lib. v. p. 130,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 311

him to recover his throne, the ex-despot resigned himself
to his fate, and spent the remainder of his days in Rome.
The only return which he could make to the Pope for his
hospitality was to present him with the jewels, embroidery,
and other treasures which he had brought from the East.
Chief among these was the sacred relic of S. Andrew's head,
the reception of which in Rome gave occasion for the most
splendid festival of Pius n's Pontificate. It is impossible
to read Pius's own account of the great event without
realising that he felt it to be the supreme moment of his
life. To say that he and his contemporaries regarded it
as a mere excuse for gorgeous ceremonial is to be blind to
the strength of the mediaeval spirit. Here at the very
shrine of the Renaissance, at a time when the modern
world was revelling in its new-born strength, the whole
city — scholars and artists, soldiers and courtiers, Pope and
populace — abandoned itself in a passion of emotion to the
reception of this precious relic. The genius of the Re
naissance spent itself in giving splendour to the occasion,
but the spirit which inspired the festivities was bred of
the love and worship of the Middle Ages.

The head of S. Andrew had hitherto been preserved
at Patras, from whence it had been taken by Thomas
Palaeologus to save it from the infidel. ' The Pope," we
read, " was much grieved at the exile of the sacred head.
But as it could not easily be restored to its resting-place,
he knew no worthier refuge for it than Rome, by the bones
of its brother S. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and under
the protection of the Holy See, the Ark of the Faith." 1
Cardinal Oliva went to meet the relic at Ancona and to
place it in safe custody at Narni, until such time as it
could be received in Rome with due honour. Not until
the spring of 1462 did a favourable opportunity arise.
Then, on Palm Sunday, the head was brought by three
Cardinals from Narni to the Ponte Molle, outside the walls

1 Commentarii, lib. viii. pp. 192-202, for the whole ceremony of the
reception of S. Andrew's head.

3i2 POPE PIUS II

of Rome. A great stage was erected in the adjoining
meadows, and here the Pope came in state to welcome
the relic. This was on Monday in Holy Week, and those
who walked in the Papal procession bore the palm
branches which they had received the day before at the
Palm-Sunday Mass. It was a radiant April morning,
and the white-robed procession shone out with dazzling
brightness on the green grass. As the Pope mounted the
stage, Cardinal Bessarion advanced from the other side,
and taking the sacred head from its casket, " gave it,
weeping, to the weeping Pope." Pale with emotion, Pius
threw himself on his knees and, with bowed head and
trembling voice, addressed a prayer to the new-comer :
" Thou art come at last, most sacred and adored head of
the Holy Apostle, driven from thy dwelling by the fury
of the Turk. An exile, thou fliest to thy brother, the
Prince of the Apostles. Thy brother will not fail thee,
but will restore thee to thy home with glory. If God
will, it shall be said one day, ' O happy exile, to have
obtained such aid.' Meanwhile, thou shalt tarry for a
while with thy brother and share his honour." Naively
literal as the words sound, they fell on sympathetic ears,
and when the Pope had finished speaking there was not
a dry eye among the whole company. One after the
other the weeping clergy advanced to kiss the relic, and
then, at the Pope's command, all broke forth in a glad
Te Deum until the meadows re-echoed to the sound.

The head was placed for the night upon the altar of
S. Maria del Popolo, and the next day it was carried in
procession to its final resting-place at S. Peter's. True
April weather prevailed, and all through the night the
rain fell in torrents. It was feared that the ceremonies
of the morrow would be interrupted, and Pius was dis
tressed at the thought of the disappointment of the crowds
who had come to Rome for the occasion. Great was his
delight when the storm ceased at dawn, and the sun rose
with new splendour. The change, he said, was due to

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 313

the prayers of S. Andrew, and even as he said it, the
following distich " rushed into his mind " :—

"Nocte pluit tota redeunt spectacula mane.
Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet." 1

In the days of the Renaissance, there was nothing in
congruous in this juxtaposition of S. Andrew and
Jupiter. Heathen gods and Christian saints held " divided
Empire " over the humanist Pope.

The streets between S. Maria del Popolo and the
Vatican were decorated with an ingenuity and a magni
ficence that were only surpassed in the decorations at
Viterbo a few weeks later. On this occasion, also, the
work of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia outshone all others.
His palace reminded the Pope of the Emperor Nero's
famous golden house, and he had even decorated the
palaces of his neighbours, so that the entire Piazza seemed
a paradise of sight and sound. When at last the Pope
made his appearance in the Piazza, of S. Peter's, borne
in a golden litter beneath a sumptuous baldacchino, and
carrying in his hands the sacred head, " a great cry arose
like the roar of many waters." At the top of the marble
steps he turned to bless the multitude and to exhibit the
relic, before placing it with the bones of S. Peter and
S. Paul in the centre of the basilica. Inside S. Peter's,
Bessarion made an oration which gained scant attention
from his wearied hearers. Then, after a brief reply from
the Pope and a few prayers, the company dispersed — the
ceremonies of the great day were over. Pius subsequently
built the beautiful chapel of S. Andrew to contain the
relic, and here, at his desire, his own body was placed.
In the building of the new S. Peter's the chapel of S.
Andrew was demolished, but the great statue of the saint
at the south-west corner of the dome still guards the place
where the exile from Patras found its last home.

1 " It rains at night ; in the morning all the pageants return. Caesar
holds divided Empire with Jupiter."

3i4 POPE PIUS II

Meanwhile the years slipped by, each bringing a
fresh tale of disaster from the East, and still no practical
effect had been given to the Mantuan programme. To
judge from the ill-success which attended the attempt
to levy Turkish tithes, a Crusade which depended for its
finance upon the response made to the Mantuan decrees
had a gloomy future before it. Immediately after the
close of the Congress collectors armed with Papal letters
were dispatched throughout Europe — to England, to the
Spanish kingdoms, to Norway, to Sweden, and even to
semi-barbarous Lithuania. Everywhere their demands
met with blank indifference, if not with actual hostility.
Borso d'Este, who had actually signed the decrees
authorising the levy, refused to allow tithes to be collected
in his dominions.1 The very Cardinals grumbled and
raised objections when they were asked for their con
tribution. The point of view expressed by the chronicler
of Bologna is only too typical of the attitude of Christendom
towards the Pope's crusading policy. In Lent 1460, he
tells us, the Papal letters were read in the Church of
S. Petronio, and every one who refused to pay his tenth
or his thirtieth was denied Confession and Communion.
But the sole result was that " those who did not wish to
pay so heavy a tax ceased to confess or communicate. . . .
The Pope said he wanted the money to make war on the
Turk; but this was not true, as he intended nothing of
the sort. It was an act of robbery, so take heed before
you pay your share." 2

The plans framed at Mantua were clearly unworkable.
If the Pope still persisted, he must devise fresh schemes,
and must himself put them into effect. Thrown thus
upon his own resources, Pius n turned first to his own
peculiar weapon — to the weapon of persuasion, wrhich he
had wielded so often and so successfully in bygone years.

1 Cf. letter of Pius n to Duke Borso, i April 1460 (Pastor, vol. iii.
Appendix 39, from Archivio Secreto del Vaticano).

8 Cronica di Bologna (Muratori, Her. Ital. Script., xviii. pp. 732-3).

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 315

In the autumn of 1461 he composed his famous letter to
the Sultan, in which he sought to convert the Turkish
monarch, and to turn him from an enemy into an obedient
and honoured son of the Church. The treatise is a
masterpiece of eloquence and learning. In lucid terms,
Pius contrasted the teaching of Christ with that of the
Koran, and set forward the superiority of Christian
civilisation. He reminded the Sultan of earlier converts,
such as Constantine and Clovis, whose baptism had won
whole nations for the Catholic Church. He invited him
to come like Pepin and Charlemagne to the aid of the
Pope, and to receive, as they had, new benefits at his
hands. He rose to heights of impassioned eloquence in
depicting the era of universal prosperity which would
dawn upon the Sultan's acceptance of Christianity. " O
what a fullness of peace it would be ! What exultation
among Christian people, what joy in the whole earth !
The Golden Age of Augustus, sung by the poets, would
return. The leopard would lie down with the lamb, the
calf with the lion. Swords would be turned into pruning-
hooks . . . the wilderness would blossom, the earth
would resound with the chaunting of monks. . . . O how
great would be your joy if you were the means of bringing
so many sheep into the fold of the Eternal Shepherd,
if you were the author of peace and welfare among
men." 1

The letter was widely read, and the numerous forgeries
which purported to continue the correspondence are
proof of the impression which it made. Unfortunately,
there is no indication of the effect which it produced on
Mahomet n. The cultured patron of scholars and artists
must doubtless have appreciated the literary value of the
treatise, but, as far as we know, the picture of that half-
pagan, half-Christian Utopia painted for him by Pius n
left him unmoved. In the following year Pius sought
other and sterner weapons. Summoning six of the

1 Ep. 396 (Opera, pp. 872-904) and elsewhere,

316 POPE PIUS II

Cardinals to his presence, he declared to them his in
tention of going in person upon a Crusade.

The programme which Pius n unfolded to the startled
Cardinals was the fruit of many a sleepless night, when he
lay tossing from side to side, his old blood boiling at the
shameful thought that nothing had been done in defence
of Christendom. Mature reflection impelled him to the
conclusion that the only way of stirring sleeping Europe
into action was to go himself against the Turks. All doubts
as to the sincerity of his purpose would thus be dissipated,
and, old and ill as he was, he could at least inspire others by
his example. The Duke of Burgundy had vowed to go on
a Crusade if another Prince would consent to accompany
him. He would be forced to keep his promise, and would
bring others in his train. ' The noise of our resolve will
resound through Christendom like a thunder-clap, rousing
the faithful to the defence of religion." l The new weapon
was, in fact, not extraordinarily unlike the old. Letters
and orations had failed to persuade, therefore the Pope
had recourse to drama. If the sight of the Head
of Christendom preparing to lay down his life for the
flock did not dispel the clouds of selfishness and
apathy, then indeed Europe must be impervious to per
suasion, unable to be touched by any noble and generous
appeal.

The Cardinals pronounced the Pope's plan to be worthy
of the Vicar of Christ, although numerous difficulties at
once occurred to them which might wreck the whole under
taking. Pius, however, had the details at his finger-ends,
and was ready with an answer to all their objections. The
Crusade, as he freely acknowledged, depended for its success
upon the co-operation of Venice, who alone could supply
a fleet to transport the Crusaders to the East. He would
write confidentially to the Doge on the subject, and on
receiving a favourable reply, would send embassies to
France and Burgundy, asking aid of the one, and calling

1 Commentarii, lib. vii. p. 191,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 317

on the other to fulfil his vow.1 The Pope, with Hungary
and Venice, supported by the Duke of Burgundy in person,
and receiving aid from France, had at least reasonable
hope of victory. Meanwhile, a five years' truce must be
proclaimed throughout Europe, and money must be raised
by means of subsidies from the clergy and the sale of
indulgences to the laity.

The Venetian Republic sent a somewhat vague reply
to the Pope's letter,2 but it was sufficiently favourable to
justify the departure of the Bishop of Ferrara upon a
mission to France and Burgundy. Louis xi gave him
little encouragement. He was inclined to treat the whole
matter as a pretext for drawing attention away from the
Neapolitan war, and declared that during the next year
he would be fully occupied in helping to restore Henry vi
to the throne of England. " I will give you four years
for that business," was the Bishop's pertinent rejoinder.3
The Pope's proposals were more favourably received at
the Burgundian Court. Duke Philip was just recovering
from a dangerous illness, and he was awed by the thought
that death had all but overtaken him with his crusading
vow still unfulfilled. The Bishop set out on his return
journey with the assurance that a Burgundian embassy,
provided with the fullest instructions, would shortly follow
him across the Alps.

In the meantime, two events had occurred in Italy
which were calculated to serve the cause of the Crusade.
The Doge, Prospero Malipiero, a persistent advocate of
peace with the Turk, died on 5 May 1462 and was suc
ceeded by Cristoforo Moro. The same month saw the dis
covery of the alum mountains at Tolfa, a find as valuable
as it was unexpected, which seemed to augur success for
the Pope's enterprise.4 The discoverer was a certain

1 Pius u's letter to the Doge is given in Epistolae, No. 44, 8 March
1461 (i.e. 1462) (ed. Mediol.).

2 Cf . Pastor, iii. p. 311. 8 Commentarii, lib. ix. p. 221.
•Cf. Commentarii, lib. vii. pp. 185-6.

POPE PIUS II

Giovanni de Castro, who had learned the properties of alum
as manager of some large dye-works in Constantinople.
On the Turkish occupation he had lost his post, and having
known ^Eneas Silvius at Basel, he had come to Rome to
seek shelter and employment with his former acquaintance.
One day, as he walked among the barren hills near Civita
vecchia, he noticed a peculiar herb which he had often
seen on the alum mountains of Asia Minor. He picked up
some white stones lying near, and found that they had a
saltish taste ; and on baking them, he saw that they were
really alum. Almost beside himself with joy, he sought
the Pope's presence. " To-day," he cried, " I bring you
victory over the Turk." Every year, as Giovanni ex
plained, the Turk received some three hundred thousand
ducats from Christendom for alum. Now he had found
seven mountains full of the precious substance, with all
advantages for working it, and an excellent harbour near
at hand. The Pope could supply alum to the whole of
Europe, and his profits would inflict a double injury
upon the Turks, in depriving them of a valuable monopoly,
and in furnishing Crusaders with the sinews of war. At
first Pius could not believe the good news, but experts
from Genoa pronounced the Tolfa alum to be not only
genuine but of excellent quality. A Company was formed
at once, and Pius issued a Bull exhorting all Christians to
buy alum only from him.1 Castro's discovery brought an
income of a hundred thousand ducats to the Papacy, and
the industry which he founded continues to this day.

The year 1463 was not without promise for the Crusade.
The fall of Bosnia seemed at last to have convinced Venice
of the danger of delay, and the Republic begged leave of
the Pope to collect the Turkish tithes throughout her
dominions. In July Bessarion took up his residence in
Venice as legate a later e* He found active preparations

1 Raynaldus, 1463, No. 86, 7 April 1463.

2 Cf. Pastor, iii. p. 318. Sanudo says that Bessarion arrived in
August.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 319

in progress both by land and sea, and by the end of the
month he was able to report that war with the Turk had
been declared. Meanwhile a Franciscan friar preached
the Crusade upon the Piazza, and inside S. Marco stood a
massive iron chest to receive the offerings of the faithful.1
In Hungary, too, the long quarrel between the Emperor
and Matthias Corvinus wras brought to an end, and the
peace for which Carvajal had laboured so unremittingly
was signed at Neustadt on 24 July. An offensive alliance
between Hungary and Venice followed two months later.
The two powers most nearly affected by the Turk were at
length uniting to give him battle.

After three months' villegiatum at Tivoli, Pius returned
to Rome on 9 September, in order to welcome the much-
desired embassy from Burgundy. The visit of the Bur-
gundians was made the occasion for a meeting of Italian
envoys in Rome, to discuss ways and means of promoting
the Crusade. As usual, many eloquent orations were
made, and when the Burgundian representative announced
that his master would start for the East at the head of
six thousand men in the following spring, no one could say
enough in the Duke's praise.2 But when the Pope called
on the Italians to follow the example of Burgundy and to
obey the Mantuan decrees, matters were again brought to
a standstill. All approved as private persons of the levy of
tithes ; none save the Venetians had power as ambassadors
to promise contributions. Nothing could be done until
the envoys had been to consult their respective Govern
ments. While they went, Pius tried to turn the unwelcome
delay to good account by winning over his chief opponents
among the Cardinals. The oration which he made to the
Sacred College on this occasion 3 contains the fullest
exposition of his views and policy with regard to the
Crusade.

1 Sanudo, Vitae Ducum Venetorum (Muratori, xxii. p. 1174).

2 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 332.

3 Mansi, Orationes, ii. p. 68 ; Commentarii, lib. xii. pp. 336-41.

320 POPE PIUS II

Five years, he said, had passed since his accession, yet
not until the present time had the state of Italy permitted
of anything being done in defence of Christendom. From
the first the Crusade had been his ultimate object. " We
fought for Christ when we defended Ferrante. We waged
war on the Turk when we smote the territories of Sigis-
mondo." Now at last God had sent peace, and the time
had come to strike directly at the enemies of the Church.
Now was the opportunity for the Cardinals to prove the
reality of their devotion, and, disregarding difficulties and
discomforts, to follow Christ's Vicar to war. It was
useless to advise staying at home and sending money to
Hungary for the prosecution of the Crusade. The Papacy
no longer had the power of raising money. " Our condition
is that of bankers who have lost their credit : no one
believes in us; the priesthood is despised." Thus the first
step was to restore the reputation of the Papacy, and this
could best be done by the means originally employed to
build up its greatness. " Abstinence, chastity, zeal for
the faith, contempt of death, desire for martyrdom," these
had once made the Roman Church mistress of the world.
Now was the moment to prove that these virtues were not
yet dead, and to rekindle enthusiasm for the Church by a
conspicuous example of nobility in its leaders. " The
call to go has met with no response ; perhaps men will attend
better to ' Come.' . . . We do not go to fight. We will
imitate Moses, who prayed on the mountain while Israel
fought against Amalek. On the ship's prow or on the
mountain-top, having before our eyes the Holy Eucharist
— that is, our Lord Jesus Christ — we will entreat of Him
victory for our soldiers in battle. . . . For God's sake we
leave our see and the Roman Church, committing our
grey hairs and our feeble body to His mercy. He will not
forget us, and if He does not grant us safe return, He will
receive us into heaven, and will preserve His see of Rome
and His Bride the Church in safety."

The words came from the depth of the Pope's heart,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 321

and, like all outbursts of genuine enthusiasm, they proved
irresistibly infectious. Some of the Cardinals, such as
the vicious and scheming Bishop of Arras, remained
unmoved, but the majority declared themselves ready to
throw in their lot with the Pope. Carvajal, whose task
in Hungary had at times been made more difficult by the
Pope's timid diplomacy, was now finally convinced of his
sincerity. " Until to-day," he exclaimed, " I have thought
you a man. Now I believe you to be an angel. You have
won me to your opinion. May God be with your enter
prise. I will be your companion, and by sea and by land
I will be ever at your side. Should your way lead through
the flames I would still follow you, for you are treading
the straight path to heaven." 1

During these busy weeks of negotiation and preparation
Pius was, indeed, seen at his best. Now that the decisive step
was taken, the weaker elements of his character seemed to
fall from him like a cast-off garment, while his high courage,
boundless energy, and immense capacity for detail called
forth the admiration of all who came in contact with him.
Day and night he laboured for the cause, organising, con
triving, entreating, censuring, and although results for
the most part fell short of his expectations, his persistence
was such that almost every one concerned found himself
pledged to do considerably more than he had intended.
A commission of Cardinals was appointed to collect the
necessary funds, while the Pope's private treasurer,
Niccolo Piccolomini, had charge of a special Crusade
account-book, in which all details of receipt and ex
penditure were recorded. The discovery of this book,
bound in red morocco, and stamped with the Papal arms,
goes far to disprove the charges of mismanagement and
neglect which have been freely raised against Pius n's
preparations for war.2

1 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 341.

2 Cf. Pastor, iii. p. 336. The account-book is preserved in the Archivio
di Stato, Rome.

21

322 POPE PIUS II

As the autumn advanced the plague broke out in Rome
with unusual severity. Many fled the city, but Pius remained
at his post. Among his chief cares was the creation of a
fleet, and he himself undertook to provide three galleys as
well as several smaller vessels. Seven Cardinals promised
to equip a galley apiece, and others were expected from
various Italian powers.1 The Pope's dearest wish was to
obtain the services of Francesco Sforza as leader of the
Papal forces. The condottiere Duke, however, was no
enthusiast. He was prepared to send a contingent to the
East which would satisfy the claims of friendship and be
worthy of his dignity, but not even for Pius n would he
jeopardise his throne in order to go on an expedition which
he regarded as fantastic and chimerical. His refusal was
a bitter disappointment to Pius.2 No less disheartening
was the apathy of Siena, who after endless delay offered
the miserly sum of 3000 ducats as her contribution to the
Crusade. On the Pope's remonstrance the contribution
was raised to 10,000 ducats, which Pius accepted with
gratitude, for love of his country, he tells us, and not
because he thought it adequate. Meanwhile the repre
sentatives of the Italian powers returned to Rome with
their answers. Genoa, Savoy, and Montferrat vouchsafed
no reply, but the other States consented to abide by the
Mantuan decrees. Florence said that she could do nothing
at the moment, for fear of injuring the numerous Florentine
merchants living in Constantinople ; but her envoy re
ported that steps were being taken to remove the merchants
and their goods to a place of safety and that, when this was
accomplished, Florence would be ready to take her proper
share in the enterprise.3 On 19 October an offensive
alliance against the Turk was signed by the Pope, Venice,
and Burgundy, and three days later the Bull Ezechielis,

1 Cf. Sanudo (Muratori, xxii. 1178).

2 The Pope's letter to Sforza is given in Mansi, iii. p. 103 ; Sforza's
answer in Opera, Ep. 392.

3 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 342.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 323

publishing the Crusade, was read in a public Consistory.1
The Romans at once raised a protest, fearing the loss they
would incur by the Pope's departure, and they were only
partially reassured by the promise that the chief officials
of the Curia should remain at their posts. Nevertheless,
the reading of the Bull produced a profound impression.
Many who had been inclined to treat the whole enterprise
as a fantasy began to see that the Crusade might prove
both heroic and successful. All depended on the effective
co-operation of the Pope and Burgundy. " May God,
whose cause is at stake, grant long life to the Pope and the
Duke," 2 wrote the Milanese ambassador at the conclusion
of his report on the proceedings. During the Consistory
Pius was suffering so acutely from gout in the feet that he
could hardly manage to hide his anguish, and directly it
was over he retired to bed. Yet he was happy in the midst
of his pain, because he realised that his efforts had borne
fruit — at last the Crusade was being taken seriously.

The Bull Ezechielis was published throughout Europe,
and it roused instant support from the lower classes. In
Germany, the princes were content to answer the Papal
legates with fair words, but " the people forsook their
wagons and ploughs and hastened to Rome to take arms
against the Turk." 3 Meanwhile everything in the political
situation seemed to pave the way for departure. Success
attended the Venetians in the East. The submission of
Malatesta terminated the long struggle in the March.
The death of the Prince of Taranto left Ferrante in un
disputed possession of practically the whole kingdom of
Naples. Above all, the Venetian Republic seemed as
zealous for the Crusade as the Pope himself could wish.
On 25 October, Pius addressed a letter to the Doge urging
him to join the Crusade in person. ' We shall be three

1 The Bull is given in Opera, as Ep. 412. Cf. Commentarii, lib. xii. p.

344-

2 Otto Carretto to the Duke of Milan, 25 Oct. 1463 (Pastor, iii. p. 333,
from the original in Bib. Ambrosiana, Milano).

3 Pastor, iii. p. 334, from the Hamburg Chronicle.

324 POPE PIUS II

old men," he said, " and God rejoices in a trinity. Our
trinity will be aided by the Trinity of heaven, and our
foes will be confounded before our eyes." x The letter
was discussed in the Senate, where the Doge pleaded his
advancing years as an excuse for not acceding to the Pope's
request. His colleagues, however, were determined that
he should go, and, after the manner of Venetians, they
sacrificed the individual to the Republic without hesitation
or pity. " If your Serene Highness will not embark of
your own free will we will use force," said one of those
present ; "we value the honour and welfare of this city
more than your person." 2 Thus Pius began to look
forward with some degree of confidence to setting sail
for the East in the coming spring. The concluding words
of the twelfth book of the Commentaries, written on
i January 1464, breathe the atmosphere of the moment.
From them we learn the condition of the Pope's mind
as the new year dawned. " Now no further obstacle
remained in the way of Pope Pius's expedition against
the Turk, and it seemed likely that much might occur to
prosper it. Fortified by these considerations he applied
himself to his task, making vast preparations of all things
necessary for war ; on which beginnings may God have
mercy."3

The year 1464 brought a rude awakening from Pius n's
dreams of a glorious and successful Crusade. What he
regarded as a promising beginning was in reality a climax.
He had done his utmost, and the response which his
enthusiasm had evoked concealed for a moment the real
hollowness of the crusading plans. Now, during seven
weary months of disappointment and disillusionment, the
Pope was to learn that he had striven in vain, and that
his great venture was doomed to failure. The brief span

1 Cf. Raynaldus, 1463, No. 41, and Malipiero, Annali Veneti (Arch.
Stor. Ital., t. vii. pt. I, ist series, p. 18).

2 Sanudo (Muratori, xxii. p. 1174).

3 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 447.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 325

of life that remained to him was spent in futile effort
and pitiable struggling against the inevitable. Neverthe
less, this last phase of his career is fashioned upon nobler
lines than those which preceded it. Pius, the calculating,
ambitious climber, who had faced facts so remorselessly
all his life, ceased to face them now. He owed much of
his success in life to his refusal to attempt what he could
not reasonably expect to accomplish. He died a martyr
to a hopeless cause. The failure of these last months is
raised from ignominy to something approaching grandeur
by his inability to acknowledge that he was beaten.

CHAPTER XV
THE LAST JOURNEY

MUTUAL jealousy among the Italian States,
absorption in their own affairs on the part of
the Princes of Europe — these two causes are
mainly responsible for the tragedy of the next few months.
In Italy the crux of the situation lay with Venice. The
isolation, the wealth, and the almost unvarying success
of the Republic of S. Mark had already earned the hatred
of her neighbours, and the fact that Venice was to play
a prominent part in the Crusade at once discredited it
in Italian eyes. Florence looked upon the whole enter
prise as a deep-laid plot by which other States would be
made to fight the battles of Venice. Her envoy actually
advised the Pope to leave Venice and the Turk to weaken
each other, and thus, by a simple policy of non-interference,
to free Italy from a double danger. Pius n's reply to
this proposal was a stern indictment of the Florentines,
who " would allow everything to go to perdition if only
their own Republic were saved." 1 Nevertheless, there
was little love lost between the Pope and the Venetians,
and, at heart, he was as sceptical as Florence as to the
motives which inspired their present activity. The sons
of Venice, he said, were merchants, and they " expended
gold only in order to obtain gold." " Foolish is the
thought of him who deems that these people can be
persuaded to noble deeds unless they bring with them
tangible utility." In his opinion, the primary object of

1 Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 334.
326

THE LAST JOURNEY 327

Venice was the conquest of the Morea ; the customs of
the province were worth three thousand ducats a year,
and its situation made it likely to become the " centre of
the world's commerce," should it pass under Venetian
rule > Thus Pius laboured under no illusions with regard
to Venice, but he also realised that he was dependent
upon her aid, and so he had determined to co-operate
with her loyally. Venice, however, had no real desire
for a common war against the Turk. Her object through
out was to divert the Pope's attention to the mainland
campaign, conducted by Hungary, in order that she might
be left with unfettered control over the naval operations.
The preparations for the equipment of the Papal fleet
filled the Venetian envoy in Rome with uneasiness, and
in January 1464 he began to say openly that it would
be far better for the Pope not to go on the Crusade in
person.2 The diplomatic documents of the time force
us to the conclusion that, the endless negotiations over
the vessels to be supplied by Venice for transport, the
puerile excuses and the interminable delays, all formed
part of a deliberate scheme for hoodwinking the Pope and
making him serve the purposes of the Republic. It was
a cruel deception, yet it was eminently characteristic of
Venetian policy. " What do fishes care about justice ? "
Pius had once said. " As among animals there is least
reason in the inhabitants of the water, so of all the human
race the Venetians are least just and least merciful. They
reverence their Republic as a god, and nothing else is holy
to them, nothing sacred. They hold that just which serves
their Republic, holy which increases their dominion." 3

A worse blow had still to fall. Pius spent Lent and
Easter at Siena, and here, on Good Friday, he received
a letter containing such mournful news that he could

1 Commentarii, lib. xii. pp. 314-5; Cugnoni, pp. 228-9.

2 Cf. Pastor, iii. p. 364, quoting from the dispatch of the Milanese
ambassador, 18 Jan. 1464.

3 Cugnoni, p. 225.

328 POPE PIUS II

only speak of it as " appropriate to the day of the Lord's
Passion." x It announced that the Duke of Burgundy
had, at the instance of his suzerain Louis xi, postponed his
departure for the East for another year. All recognised
that this decision was tantamount to a total withdrawal
from the Crusade. A year's delay at Pius n's age was out
of the question, and although the Duke promised to send
his illegitimate son with a respectable contingent of
troops at the date originally fixed, not even the Pope
appears to have put faith in his word. " Every tower
must fall at last, if it is persistently bombarded by
cannon," 2 is Pius n's comment on the catastrophe.
Burgundy had, in truth, succumbed before the repeated
attacks of the peace party, headed by the arch-enemy of
the Crusade and of the Pope alike, Louis xi of France.

With the defection of Burgundy vanished the last
vestige of hope for a successful Crusade, and the path of
wisdom at this point was undoubtedly to abandon the
whole enterprise. Many were the voices which urged this
course upon the heart-broken Pope. The condition of his
health made it increasingly improbable that he would be
able to bear the discomfort and fatigue of the voyage.
Already every movement caused him pain, and the diffi
culty of conveying him from place to place increased with
each day's journey. On his return to Rome, towards the
end of May, he was seized with a fresh attack of fever and
gout. The distracted Cardinals besought him to remain
at home, but his heart was set on the expedition, and he
expressed his determination to persevere even at the cost
of his life. " Every day seems to him like a year, so anxious
is the Holy Father to reach Ancona and to set sail." 3 So

1 Commentarii, lib. xiii. p. 374 (printed as an Appendix to Voigt,
Pius II, vol. ii.).

2 Commentarii, lib. xiii. p. 372. According to Malipiero (Annali
Veneti, p. 27), the Duke of Milan and the Florentines intrigued with the
King of France to prevent Burgundy from going on the Crusade.

3 Antonio Ricavo to the Marquis of Mantua, 10 April 1464 (Pastor
in. p. 347).

THE LAST JOURNEY 329

wrote the Mantuan ambassador in April. Meanwhile
Francesco Sforza was doing his utmost to dissuade his
friend from embarking.1 His envoys in Rome waxed
eloquent upon the manifold perils and inevitable disaster
which must accompany the Crusade, and Sforza even offered
to mediate between Pius and Louis xi, if the former would
postpone his departure. The Pope, however, was not to be
moved. He knew that Francesco Sforza, as the friend of
France and the enemy of Venice, had personal reasons for
disliking the Crusade. Therefore he regarded all his argu
ments with suspicion, and Sforza was forced to confess
his inability to overcome the Pope's " Sienese obstinacy." 2
Meanwhile the final preparations for departure were
being made. At Pisa, Cardinal Forteguerra superintended
the equipment of the Papal fleet. Crusaders were flocking
in their thousands to Italy, and the Archbishop of Crete
was appointed to take charge of them. Many were quite
unfitted for war, and the majority were ill equipped. Thus
the Archbishop had to grapple with the double problem of
persuading the unemployable to return to their homes
and of providing arms for those capable of bearing them.
On ii June, Cardinal Piccolomini was appointed Vicar in
Rome and in the Papal States. A week later, Pius n left
the city. The story of his long-drawn-out martyrdom, of
the slow and painful journey to the coast beneath the
burning skies of an Italian summer, of the weary wait at
Ancona amid heat and plague and disappointment, and of
the death which finally brought release, — this can best be told
by the Pope's devoted disciple, Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal
of Pavia. For the greater part of the time he was Pius's
closest companion, and he was strengthened to endure his
own share of discomfort by the example of patience and

1 Cf . the dispatches of the Milanese envoys quoted by Pastor,
iii. pp. 350 seq.

z Francesco Sforza, Instruction to the French Ambassador, 10 August
1464 : " Nuy gli dessuademo tale andata et faremo el possibile perche
non passi della ; benche 1'habia el cervello Senese " (Pastor, iii. Appendix
62. From Cod. 1611, Fonds. Ital., Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris).

330 POPE PIUS II

fortitude presented to him by his master. Having been
present "up to his last breath, hanging upon his lips," he
wrote a full account of the events of these sad weeks to
Cardinal Piccolomini. " Gladly do I think and speak of our
Pius/' writes the sorrowing friend. " By so doing I alleviate
my longing for the departed and find comfort." 1

On 1 8 June, Ammanati tells us, Pius took the Cross in
S. Peter's, and was borne in his litter to the Ponte Molle,
where he took leave of the crowd of prelates and citizens
and embarked in a barge upon the Tiber. This was a slow
means of travel, but it caused him the least discomfort,
and for the next four days the barge pursued its leisurely
course up stream. Halts for the night were made at Castel
Giubileo, Fiano, and the Benedictine monastery at the
foot of Soracte, but on each occasion the Pope himself
remained on board. The incidents of the journey show
us the Pius that we have always known, of undaunted
spirit and quick sympathy. Although weakened and
unnerved by illness, he exerted himself to perform the
business which each day brought, and he was keenly alive to
everything that went on around him. On the second day
he was deeply distressed by the death of a bargeman, a
youth of about twenty, who fell into a deep part of the
river and was drowned before his eyes. "The Pope lay
long silent, with tears in his eyes, praying for the departed/'
Later on, he found that the inhabitants of a village on the
right bank of the Tiber had made great preparations to
welcome him as he passed. The barge was then being
towed from the left bank, but the Pope ordered the course
to be changed, so that the people might not be disappointed,
or feel that their outlay had been wasted. Meanwhile
letters came from the Archbishop of Crete, telling of the
difficulty of controlling the impatient crowds at Ancona,
and begging that some strong man might be sent with
sufficient authority to quell disturbances among the would-

1 Jacobi Card. Pap. Epistolae, Ep. 41. Cf. also Commentarii, lib. i.
pp. 354 scq.

THE LAST JOURNEY 331

be Crusaders. The Pope's thoughts at once flew to Car-
vajal, who, as Ammanati gratefully recalls, " loved our
Pius above others, and constantly aided him in his holy
enterprise." It grieved him to impose so heavy a task
on an old man, already worn out in the service of the
Church ; but he had no alternative, and Carvajal promptly
responded to the call. " Holy Father," he said, " if you
consider me the person most fitted for the work, I will at
once obey your command. I will follow your example,
for I know that you are laying down your life for your
flock. You write to me to come, and I am here. You bid
me go, and I depart. I cannot refuse this little end of my
life to Christ." Such whole-hearted devotion acted like
a tonic upon the Pope. He invited Carvajal and Ammanati
to dine with him that evening, and talked of nothing
throughout the meal but of his longing to set sail.

At Otricoli the Pope exchanged the barge for a litter,
and was carried by slow and painful stages up the Tiber
valley. Along that same road he had gone five years
before, at the outset of his Pontificate, full of hope and
enthusiasm, on his way to the Congress of Mantua. Then
the journey itself had been a source of delight to him, and
the fair Umbrian cities had never welcomed a more eager
sight-seer. Now he could not endure more than six or seven
miles travelling in the day, and the curtains of his litter
were drawn, in order that he might be spared the sight of
the companies of disappointed Crusaders who were already
wending their way back from Ancona. At Terni, trouble
befell the faithful Ammanati. He had sat up late into
the night writing for the Pope, clad in the lightest of
attire owing to the great heat. When at last he retired
to rest, he was conscious of being seized by a sudden chill.
On the morrow, Pius found that the journey to Spoleto
was beyond his strength, so he settled to pause for the
night at a half-way house, keeping Ammanati with him,
while the rest of the company went on ahead. Ammanati
did not wish to distress the Pope, and therefore said nothing

332 POPE PIUS II

of his own plight. He slept uncomplainingly in a draughty
tent at his master's side, and, in consequence, arrived at
Spoleto on the following day in a raging fever. He had
perforce to be left behind, while the Pope went on his way,
striking across the Apennines from Assisi to Fabriano, and
thence to Ancona.

On 19 July the weary pilgrimage was ended, and Pius
took up his residence in the episcopal palace, adjoining
the ancient Cathedral of San Ciriaco on Monte Guasco.
This was at the northern extremity of Ancona, and the
palace commanded a magnificent view of the sea and
harbour. The fair prospect and the refreshing breezes
brought some relief to the Pope, but there was little else
to encourage him. His relations with Ancona had not
been entirely harmonious, and so little did the citizens
appreciate the honour of a Papal visit that they had biers
with corpses of straw carried through the streets, in order
to give the impression of a plague-stricken city and to
make the Pope defer his coming.1 Still the Venetian ships
failed to make their appearance, and still bands of Crusaders
continued to leave Ancona in disgust, until it seemed as
if the tardy fleet would soon find no troops to transport.
Pius clung to the possibility of a Crusade, but, outside
his chamber, the prevailing topic of the hour, was his own
approaching end, and diplomatists had already begun
to write and speak of the next Conclave.2

Meanwhile, Ammanati recovered from his fever, and
hastened to Ancona, arriving on 25 July, just a month
after he had parted from the Pope at Spoleto. The night
before his arrival he had been troubled by a strange
dream. It seemed to him that he was back in Rome,
at the Vatican : all the doors stood open, there were no
guards ; the walls were bare of tapestries, and the beds

1 Chronicon Eugubinum (Muratori, xxi. p. 1007).

2 Cf . Pastor, vol. iii. p. 360, who mentions a cipher letter on the
subject from the Archbishop of Milan to Francesco Sforza, dated 31 July
1464, Ancona.

PIUS II AT ANCONA

FRESCO BY PINTOKICCHIO
Piccolomini Library, Siena

THE LAST JOURNEY 333

were stripped of their coverings. After wandering un
hindered through the deserted palace, Ammanati entered
the Pope's own apartment, which stood empty as the
rest. In despair, he sought some one to tell him the
meaning of this scene of desolation, and he came upon a
young kinsman of the Pope, the nephew of Goro Lolli,
who told him in faltering tones to seek the Chapel. Here
he found the Cardinals assembled, and everything arranged
as for a Conclave. While he stood speechless with grief,
the bitter truth gradually dawning upon him, one of the
company addressed him with mocking words. " Where
fore do you grieve ? Do you not know that the death
of Pius has broken our bonds, and that we are free ? "
In the stress of his sorrow, Ammanati awoke to find his
face wet with tears. The news which greeted him at
Ancona was sufficiently grave to seem like a confirmation
of his vision. " What of our Pius, Ambrogio ? " was
his eager inquiry of the first member of the household
whom he met. " Pavia mine, he grows weaker and more
weary every day," was the sad reply. " He is gradually
sinking, and we cannot hope to keep him for a month
longer." Ammanati hastened to the Pope's chamber,
where Pius was lying on his couch transacting business
with the referendaries. Seeing him again after a month's
absence, it seemed to Ammanati that all his features
had fallen in, and it was as much as the faithful friend
could do to keep a calm face as he bent to kiss his hand.
Yet even now the Pope's spirit triumphed over his physical
strength, and he began to talk eagerly of the Crusade and
its prospects, as if there were no thought of death coming
to prevent his voyage. A few days later, Pius and
Carvajal were on fire to start at once, with what ships
they could muster, to the relief of Ragusa. Ammanati
could do nothing to turn the two enthusiasts from their
project, until the news came that the siege was raised,
and that the danger was no longer imminent.

On 12 August the weary watchers at Ancona learned

334 POPE PIUS II

at last that the Venetian fleet was in sight. The Cardinals
went in state to meet the Doge,1 and Pius was carried
to his window to watch the twelve sumptuously equipped
galleys ride into the harbour. It was a beauteous sight,
Ammanati tells us, but it came too late to be anything
but a pageant. That very night Pius took a turn for
the worse, and the next morning he made what proved to
be his last communion. This was on 13 August, two
days before the Festival of the Assumption, a date which
must have been associated in Pius's mind with gala days
of his earliest childhood and with many a happy memory
of student -life in Siena. On that day he looked forward
to receiving the Blessed Sacrament once more, in honour
of the Virgin, the liege Lady of his Republic, and the
object of his lifelong devotion. Only a week or two
before, he had visited the famous sanctuary at Loreto
and had offered a golden chalice upon Our Lady's altar,
imploring her blessing upon his great endeavour.2 Now
he lay dying as the Festival of her Assumption drew near.
After Vespers on the Vigil, the Cardinals present at
Ancona were summoned to the Pope's side to receive his
farewell blessing. " My beloved brethren," he began,
" my last hour approaches ; God calls me hence : I die in
the Catholic Faith in which I have lived. Believe me
that until this day I have done my utmost for the flock,
and have spared myself neither toil nor danger. I have
not the power to finish what I have begun, the rest must
be left to you. Persevere in this work of God, and do
not allow the cause of religion to languish through your
negligence. ... Be mindful of your office, be mindful
of your Redeemer, who sees all things and rewards every
man according to his work. . . . Have care also of the

1 Sanudo (Muratori, xxii. p. 1180), who says that the Cardinal of
Pavia and two Bishops came on board the Doge's galley to make Pius n's
excuses, saying that he had had a bad night, so could not come himself.
Cf. also Malipiero, p. 30.

2 Cf . Voigt, iii. pp. 717-8, and Tursellinus, Lauretanae historiae, lib. ii.
cap. i.

THE LAST JOURNEY 335

temporalities, and see that the Patrimony of the Church
suffers no harm. . . . Moreover, brethren, my dealings
with you, both as Cardinal and as Pope, have not been
without sin. For my sins against God, may He, the
Almighty, have mercy on me ; for my offences against
you, beloved, I pray you to forgive me, now at the hour
of my death. My relations and those who have served
me, I commend to your care. Farewell, brethren ; may
the peace of God be with you." l At first no one could
speak for weeping, and then Bessarion said a few words
in the name of all. Only the Pope's humility, he said,
made him ask their pardon, for he had always been a
kind and indulgent father, and they had no cause of
complaint against him. He had set a noble example to
his flock ; his death would be not only a personal loss to
the Cardinals but a blow to Christendom. All knelt in
turn to kiss the Pope's hand as he blessed them, saying,
" May the God of pity pardon you." Then the Cardinals
departed, intending to return in the morning for Mass,
which was to be sung in the Pope's chamber with
Ammanati celebrating.

But this " last farewell," as Ammanati touchingly calls
it, was not to be. " Everything being thus prepared for
the sacred rite, behold, as the sun sank, Pius too began
to sink." He received extreme unction, and was left
alone with his nephew Andrea, Ammanati, Goro Lolli,
and the three Bishops attached to his household. This
little company of devoted friends stood round his bed,
ministering to his last wants. Presently his eye fell on
Ammanati. " Pray for me, my son," he whispered, " for I
am a sinner." Then, turning towards the crucifix, he
began to sigh out, " Have mercy upon me, O God, have
mercy upon me ; and thou, most merciful Virgin, do not
fail thy dying servant. For thy Son's sake, receive my
departing soul." After an interval, he spoke once more
to Ammanati. " Keep the continuation of our holy

1 Card. Pap. Epistolae, Ep. 41, pp. 487-8.

336 POPE PIUS II

enterprise in the mind of the brethren, and aid it with
all your power. Woe unto you, woe unto you, if you
desert God's work." Ammanati struggled to answer
through his tears, whereupon the Pope put his hand on
his shoulder saying, "Do good, my son, and pray God
for me." These were the last words he spoke. He lay
listening to the commendatory prayers until about three
hours after sunset, when " he surrendered his spirit to
God so peacefully that he seemed to have passed into
sleep and not into death."

So died Pius n on the Eve of the Assumption, with his
great work unfinished, surrounded by many ill-wishers
and detractors who refused to the last to believe in the
sincerity of his purpose. Yet in the eyes of a few devoted
admirers, and of those who knew him most intimately, his
death was the crowning glory of a great career. They
could afford to despise evil tongues and words spoken in
hatred, being content to await the calmer judgment of
posterity, which would do justice and paint the picture as
they saw it. For themselves, they rested upon the sure
belief that he who had lived nobly, and died a martyr's
death, was "in Abraham's bosom, tasting heavenly joys
with the spirits of the blest." l

From the moment of Pius IT'S death the Crusade was
doomed. There were at most three members of the Sacred
College — Bessarion, Carvajal, and Ammanati — who would
have wished to continue the struggle, and without their
leader they were powerless. The rest of the Cardinals
were at one with the Doge of Venice in regarding the Pope's
death as a Heaven-sent release from difficulties and dangers
to which they had been forced to expose themselves by the
misplaced enthusiasm of their chief. For some time past
the Venetians had looked upon Pius with deep-rooted
suspicion. In July, peace with the Turks had actually
been debated in the Venetian Senate, on the ground that
the Pope was only awaiting an opportunity of withdrawing

1 Card. Pap. Epistolae, Ep. 41, p. 490.

THE LAST JOURNEY 337

from the Crusade and leaving Venice to face the infidel
single-handed.1 When the fleet anchored in the harbour
at Ancona, common gossip on the Doge's galley retailed
the Pope's manifest disappointment on hearing of the
arrival of the Venetians. He had promised to accompany
the Doge to the East, it was said, and now that his com
panion in arms was actually at Ancona, " he was very sorry,
for it displeased him to break his promise, and it displeased
him still more to go on the Crusade." 2 Nothing could
be farther from the truth than this Venetian conception
of one whose dying mind was possessed by a single over
mastering passion — the desire to embark forthwith upon his
holy enterprise. It is, however, an instructive illustra
tion of the entire absence of understanding between Pius n
and Venice. Each regarded the other with jealousy and
suspicion, and their mutual relations were such as to ensure
the failure of their common undertaking, if circumstances
had allowed them to embark upon it. The excuses proffered
by the Cardinals on behalf of their master first gave the Doge
an inkling of the Pope's true condition. Suspicious to the
last, he determined to investigate on his own account, and
he sent his doctor to make private inquiries from the
Papal physicians. The doctor's opinion, on his return to the
Venetian galleys, was that the Pope was dying.3 It was
with heart-felt relief that the Doge learned, next day, that
this prediction was confirmed, and that Pius n had breathed
his last.

Interminable delay marked the proceedings which
brought the unwilling Crusaders to Ancona ; the prepara
tions for departure, on the other hand, were equally re
markable for their rapidity. The contrast between the
outward and the homeward journey goes far to prove that
Pius ii himself was the sole vital force of the crusading
movement. During the festival of the Assumption the
Pope's body lay in the Cathedral of S. Ciriaco. On that

1 Malipiero, Annali Veneti, p. 28. 2 Loc. cit., pp. 29-30.

3 Sanudo, p. 1180, and Malipiero, p. 30.
22

338 POPE PIUS II

day the Doge came to pay his tribute of respect to the
departed, and immediately afterwards he had a conference
with the Cardinals on the subject of the Crusade. From
the report of the Milanese ambassador, we learn that the
Doge's demands were " most difficult and arduous, and
impossible to the College," and the general impression
which he gave was that the Venetians were heartily sick
of the whole enterprise.1 The upshot of the conference
was that the Cardinals decided to hand over their galleys
to the Doge, for use against the Turk, and to transmit the
money collected for the Crusade through him to the King
of Hungary. Thus 40,000 ducats and five galleys were
placed in the Doge's charge, the latter with the proviso
that they should be returned to the Cardinals if the new
Pope decided to go on a Crusade.2 On 17 August Pius n's
heart was buried in the choir of S. Ciriaco, where a marble
slab now marks the spot, and his body set out along the
road to Rome which he had traversed so painfully only a
few weeks before. On the following evening the Doge
sailed for Venice,3 while the Cardinals hastened to Rome
in order to be ready for the Conclave. The proceedings
on this occasion were remarkable for their dispatch. When
the result of the first scrutiny was made known, it was found
that the Venetian, Cardinal Barbo, had been elected Pope.
The news was received with unparalleled rejoicing in Venice.
" God, who does not abandon those who trust in Him, has
shown His power," commented Malipiero. "Pope Pius
having brought this city into manifest peril, He has caused
him to die, and has willed that Pope Paul n should be
chosen in his place." 4 So ended the last attempt at a
common enterprise against the Turk on the part of the
Christian powers. Pius n's abortive expedition proved
that the era of Crusades had vanished, never to return.

1 Cf. Pastor, vol. iii. p. 371, quoting letters from Ancona to the Duke
of Milan and C. Simonetta, 16 August and 24 August 1464. ,

2 Cf. Malipiero, p. 31 ; Sanudo, p. 1181 ; Chron. Eugub., 1008. Ammanati
gives 48,000 ducats.

3Cf. Pastor, iii. p. 373. 4 Malipiero, 30 August 1464, p. 31.

THE LAST JOURNEY 339

Henceforth the battle against Islam was waged by two
powers alone. Hungary fought for her very existence
on the eastern frontiers of Europe. Venice continued to
struggle and to bargain with her chief maritime and com
mercial rival in the Mediterranean.

The body of Pius n was laid to rest in S. Peter's, in the
Chapel of S. Andrew, and a monument was erected to his
memory by Cardinal Piccolomini. " It cost me three
thousand ducats," the Cardinal wrote some years later,
" not including the provision for masses and anniversary
celebrations during the last thirty-five years." 1 He also
made arrangements for his own burial " at the feet of his
sainted uncle," and composed an inscription for his tomb.
Here uncle and nephew slept undisturbed until, in 1610,
the Chapel of S. Andrew was destroyed by Paul v to make
room for his own building in S. Peter's. A new resting-
place had therefore to be found for the Piccolomini Popes,
and none could have been more appropriate than that
which offered itself in the Church of S. Andrea della Valle.
The Theatine church and convent of S. Andrea della Valle
had been founded only twenty years earlier on the site of
the Piccolomini palace in Rome. The Palazzo di Siena,
as it was popularly called, had been built in the most
sumptuous style by Cardinal Piccolomini between the
years 1460 and 1472.2 It had since been the headquarters
of the Piccolomini family in Rome, and in 1582 it had
passed into the possession of Costanza, the widowed
Duchess of Amain, descended through her father from
Pius n's nephew Antonio, and through her mother Silvia
from the younger nephew Andrea.3 Costanza was the
last of her line. The Duchy of Amain had already passed
into other hands, and in 1610 she herself died in a convent
at Naples. On the death of her mother Silvia, in 1482,
she made over her palace in Rome to the Theatines, on

1 Attilio Boni, La Chiesa di S. Andrea della Valle, Roma, 1908, p. 27.
2Cf. A. Boni, op. cit., pp. 11-2.
3 See above, Chapter XII. p. 265.

340 POPE PIUS II

condition that they " should not cease to pray for us,
and for the soul of our departed mother." x In 1491 the
first stone of S. Andrea was laid, but the work had not
long been completed when Cardinal Alessandro Peretti, the
nephew of Sixtus v, determined to build " a larger and
more splendid church " than that which already existed.
The architect Maderno was charged with the task, and he
was at work on the present Church of S. Andrea from 1601
until his death in i629.2 Thus it was under his auspices
and those of Cardinal Peretti that the remains of Pius n
and his nephew were transferred to their last home. In
1614, the two monuments, "restored and embellished"
by Cardinal Peretti, were fixed in their present place. The
bodies, however, were not moved until nine years later.
They remained during the interval in the ancient sarcophagi
which can still be seen in the Vatican Crypts.3 Owing to
the delay in transferring the bodies, the idea gained credence
that this was never done, and that the monuments in S.
Andrea were only empty shells. The testimony of a manu
script diary, preserved among the Theatine Archives,
leaves no doubt as to the actual course of events. This
relates that " on 6 January 1623, with the consent of Pope
Gregory xv, the bodies of Pius n and Pius in were trans
lated from S. Peter's to our Church of S. Andrea, two hours
after sunset, quietly and without ceremony." " I, Giuseppe
Beati," adds the diarist, " saw them with my own eyes,
and touched with my hands the clothes, the bones, the
mitre, and the gloves." 4

The two monuments, which face each other over corre
sponding arches in the nave of S. Andrea della Valle, have
suffered from the vicissitudes of their history. Owing to
Peretti's additions and to their uncomfortably high position
on the walls of Maderno's church, they do not breathe the

1 Letter of Costanza Piccolomini, 10 Jan. 1582. Cf. A. Boni, op. cit.,
pp. 6 and 7.

2 Op. cit. 3 Cf. D. Dufresne, Les Cryptes Vaticanes.

4 Attilio Boni, op. cit., p. 27, giving extracts from a private diary of
the years 1582-1661.

TOMB OF PIUS II

S. ANOREA DELLA VAI.LE, HOME

THE LAST JOURNEY 341

spirit of Pius n. The elaborate design, the long inscrip
tions, and the six virtues set in niches outside the principal
reliefs form too ornate a memorial for one nurtured in the
simple artistic ideals of the early Renaissance. Neverthe
less, the reliefs themselves are such as he would have
appreciated. In the centre of the first relief the Madonna
sits enthroned. On one side ^Eneas kneels in Cardinal's
robes, and S. Paul smiles kindly upon him, as if recognising
that he too had erred in early life and afterwards repented
of his errors. On the opposite side S. Peter presents the
Papal keys to Pius n. Below this group is the urn con
taining the body, surmounted by an effigy of the Pope, and
below again is a representation of the entry of S. Andrew's
head into Rome, the event of his Pontificate which Pius him
self would most desire to commemorate. The inscription
which follows summarises the events of his six years' reign :
:t He held a Congress at Mantua for the defence of the
faith. He resisted the enemies of the Papacy within and
without Italy. He numbered Catherine of Siena among
Christ's saints. He annulled the Pragmatic Sanction in
France. He restored Ferdinand of Aragon to the king
dom of Sicily. He raised the estate of the Church. He
instituted alum works at Tolfa. A lover of justice and
religion, most admirable in eloquence, he made ready a
fleet and enjoined the Doge of Venice and his Senate to
be his fellow-warriors for Christ in the Turkish war. He
died at Ancona, and was brought back to Rome and
buried in S. Peter's, in the place where he had enshrined the
head of S. Andrew the Apostle when it came to him from
Peloponnesus." x

Such, in brief, is the history of Pius n's Pontificate ;
and, as the record of one man's achievement during six
short years, it is by no means to be despised. Nevertheless,
it was very soon recognised that his claim to greatness

1 Cf . La Chiesa di S. Andrea della Valle: Storia, Monumenti, Restauri,
Roma, 1907 (published in honour of the reopening of S. Andrea after
restoration in 1907).

342 POPE PIUS II

did not rest upon his work as Pope alone. During the
century and a half which followed his death, the numerous
printed editions of his writings which made their appear
ance in all parts of Europe testify to the growth of his
literary reputation. It is one of the ironies of fortune that
Germany, which had failed to appreciate ^Eneas while he
was attached to the Imperial Court, should have been fore
most in recognising his merits as a man of letters. This
was partly due to what may be described as a commercial
instinct. The Germans despised .Eneas's devotion to the
classics for their own sake, but when they saw that the
cult of poets and orators led to the throne of S. Peter,
they began to realise that such studies were more valuable
than they had supposed. Yet it was also due to real
literary development. .Eneas had planted humanism
upon German soil, and in the next generation his work
bore fruit. " The German nation owes much to you.
Through your teaching and example you have introduced
her to the ancient glory of Roman eloquence and to
humanist studies. In these she will increase from day to
day." 1 So spoke ^neas's old friend, Johann Hinderbach,
when he came to render the obedience of Germany to Pius n
in 1459. He did not do more than justice to yEneas's
influence upon German letters. In 1466 this same Hinder
bach introduced yEneas's treatise on Education to the
Empress Leonora, for the benefit of her young son Maxi
milian. In this brilliant prince the ideals of humanism
which had been propagated by .Eneas were fully realised ;
future generations have recognised in him the flower of
Renaissance culture in Germany.

The German nations have, from the first, accomplished
the lion's share of the work of collecting, printing, and
editing the writings of .Eneas Silvius. The earliest attempt
at a collected edition of his works appeared in Basel in
1551, under the somewhat misleading title, Opera quae
extant omnia. From that day the labours of German

1 Cf. Voigt, vol. ii. p. 357.

THE LAST JOURNEY 343

scholars have constantly brought fresh material to light,
ar.d we still await the later volumes of Dr. Wolkan's monu
mental edition of ^Eneas's letters. Yet it was not only
in Germany that our hero's books were read and cir
culated. The list of books printed by the first Paris
Press in the Sorbonne between 1470 and 1472 includes
two volumes by ^Eneas Silvius.1 Tudor England de
lighted in The most excellent Historie of Euryalus and
Lucresia, and in 1570 one Alexander Barclay published
Certayne Egloges gathered out of a booke named in Latin
MISERIAE CURIALIUM, compiled by Mneas Silvius, Poet and
Orator.

It has been unfortunate for ^Eneas's literary reputation
that the printed editions of the Commentaries give the
name of the German scribe, Gobellinus, as the author of
this his greatest work.2 These editions, moreover, have
suffered at the hands of an expurgator whose sense of
propriety was considerably more developed than his
literary instinct. The Commentaries, like their author,
have had a chequered career, and it is only of compara
tively recent years that it has been possible to unravel
the tangled threads of their history. Apart from the
overwhelming weight of internal evidence, both Campano
and Platina testify to the fact that Pius n was the true
author of the Commentaries. Campano not only knew
of their existence, but the Pope had actually given him
the manuscript to read and correct. On reading them, he
found them altogether too admirable for him to profane
by the touch of an alien hand. " He gave them me to
correct, but I did not correct them," Campano wrote to
Ammanati.3 In 1883 Dr. Pastor discovered a manuscript
in the Vatican which is without doubt the original of the
Commentaries, written partly by the Pope himself, partly

1 Cf. A. Claudin, The First Paris Press (Bibliographical Society's
Publications, 1898).

2 These editions are three in number: Rome, 1584 and 1589; and
Frankfort, 1614.

3 Card. Pap. Epistolae, No. 30.

344 POPE PIUS II

by others at his dictation.1 This was apparently the
manuscript which he gave to Campano for revision, and
afterwards ordered his scribe Gobellinus to copy.
G6bellinus finished his task on 12 June 1464, and affixed
his name to his handiwork after the common practice
of copyists.2 Yet the fact that Gobellinus's copy varies
from the original in minor details only, shows that both
friend and scribe played their part faithfully. They did
nothing to spoil the essential character of the Pope's
work. It seems almost certain that the over-zealous
editor was Francesco Bandini-Piccolomini, Archbishop of
Siena, under whose auspices the Commentaries were first
published in 1584. We learn from the Archbishop's
preface that he received a copy of the Commentaries,
together with many other valuable manuscripts, as a
bequest from his uncle, Cardinal Giovanni Piccolomini.
He describes them as " a history of the times of Pope
Pius ii ... related in the form of commentaries by one
Johannes Gobellinus, a servant of the said Pius n." He
had read the manuscript again and again in his younger
days, and he considered " much, if not all of it, worthy
not only of commendation but of admiration." His own
appreciation of the work, coupled with the fact that
spurious fragments " containing various errors " were
being circulated at the time, made him determine to
present the book to the world in its genuine form,
" adorned with its own splendour." 3 It is clear that
the Archbishop would have us believe both that Gobel
linus was the author of the Commentaries and that this
published edition was a faithful rendering of the manu-

1 For an account of this valuable discovery (Cod. Reginense, 1995)
cf. Pastor, iii. Appendix 65, and Lesca, pp. 21-2, 27 seg.

2 " Divo Pio ii P.M. volente Johannes Gobellini de Lins Vicarius
Bonnensis Colonien. Dioecesis hoc opus anno 1464 die xn mensis Junii
excripsi feliciter." These are the concluding words of the MS. of the
Commentaries, formerly in the possession of Prince Corsini, and now in
the Vatican (Cod. Corsini, 35 b. n). Cf. Lesca, pp. 26-7.

3 The Archbishop's preface is given both in the Roman and in the
Frankfort editions.

THE LAST JOURNEY 345

script in his possession. Yet it is difficult to imagine
that he was deceived as to the real author of the book,
or that the manuscript, which he was at pains to describe
as most trustworthy, was any other than Gobellinus's
original copy.1 The most obvious conclusion is that the
Archbishop deliberately omitted such passages of the
original as seemed to him unedifying, and that even when
this was done, he did not consider the book sufficiently
decorous to be published under the name of his Papal
relative. To one bred in the atmosphere of the Counter-
Reformation, Pius ii 's outspoken criticisms of persons
and events, and the unedifying scenes in the Sacred College
which he pictures, must have seemed wholly unsuitable
for publication.2 Moreover, the essentially unecclesiastical
tone of the Commentaries accorded ill with the prevailing
conception of Papal dignity. Thus it is easy to understand
the Archbishop's point of view, although it is less easy
to forgive him. The confusion with Gobellinus, and the
knowledge that an editor's hand has been at work, have
created an impression of uncertainty with regard to the
Commentaries which has proved curiously tenacious. It
has cast an unwarrantable slur upon the reputation of a
great book.3

His own age judged Pius n mainly by his work as
a statesman ; the achievements of his Pontificate formed
the criterion of his greatness in contemporary eyes.
Later generations, justly regarding him as first of all
a man of letters, based their judgment principally upon
his literary work. Yet the permanent importance of
Pius ii is not due to achievement in any sphere, it is

1 I.e. the Corsini MS. Cf. Lesca, p. 23.

2 In 1883, Cugnoni, the Keeper of the Chigi Library, published the
passages from the Commentaries contained in the MS. under his charge
but omitted from the printed editions. The Chigi MS. agrees in all
essentials with the Corsini and Regincse versions. Another MS. is pre
served in the Leicester Library at Holkam.

3 For a full discussion of the problem of the Commentaries, cf. Lesca,
pp. 9-42-

34^

POPE PIUS II

rather the outcome of his personality. We remember
him less for what he did, or for what he wrote, than for
what he was. Both in theory and in practice he is the
complete humanist. In him we have the fullest illustra
tion of the ideals of humanism, as conceived by the
scholars, and as realised in active life. His sympathies
and his aversions, his virtues and his vices, his weakness
and his power, are all typical of humanism. Thus the
study of his career gives us a unique insight into the ideals
of the Renaissance world. His failure and his success
help us to estimate the value of humanism as a contribu
tion to civilisation, as a phase in the intellectual and
spiritual development of the European nations.

The history of ^Eneas Silvius is from first to last a
character-study ; and when the story has been told to the
end, he still remains something of an enigma. Of all the
great historians who have written about him, no two have
come to the same conclusion. Yet his was not really a
profound or complex nature. Perhaps the most dis
tinguishing feature of his character was the quality of
youthfulness. Vanity, egoism, restlessness, passion, pre
judice, these are some of the vices of youth, and Pius,
even after the rejection of ^Eneas, was guilty of every one
of them. On the other hand, he has his full share of the
virtues of youth. To his dying day he retained his
enthusiasm, his energy, his strong affections, his delight
in simple pleasures, and his love of beauty. His body
grew old before its time, but he was always young in
spirit, and in this he showed himself a true child of the
Renaissance.

From the outset of his career his general attitude
towards life was that of the humanist. He looked upon
the world as a field for his conquests, and he set out in
life with the determination to capture the world by the
simple means of adapting himself to its requirements.
Humanism insisted that eloquence, tact, courtesy, and
knowledge of his fellows were the all-important qualities

THE LAST JOURNEY 347

which fitted a man to play his part in the world with
success. ^Eneas possessed these gifts by nature, and he
cultivated them persistently. He was also endowed to a
marked degree with what may be called the dramatic
sense. In every incident of his public life he would, almost
unconsciously, make a mental picture of the ideal attitude
to be adopted under the circumstances. Once seen, the
picture became his own, and he was most truly himself
in living up to it. Many people have in consequence
dubbed him a hypocrite. Others may prefer to call him
an artist. But, be this as it may, no one can deny that
the effect on his career was eminently successful. The
rise of ^Eneas Silvius from obscurity and poverty to the
throne of S. Peter is a permanent witness to the strength
of the humanist ideal.

Nevertheless, in looking back upon his history, the
prevailing impression which we gather is that of the
limitations of humanism as a guide to life. As a man of
letters, he suffered from a humanist's exaggerated devotion
to the classics. If he had been willing to write in Italian,
instead of imprisoning his talent within the fetters of a
dead language, his contribution to literature would have
been immeasurably greater. More than this, the ideals
of humanism were not high enough to grapple with the
problems of his Pontificate. It was not that he lacked
an ideal for the Papacy. He strove persistently to raise
its prestige and to make it once more a living force in
Europe. He had the wisdom and the imagination to
embrace a crusading policy as the true means of attaining
his end. Nevertheless, he failed ; and although it may
be argued that the conditions of the age were more than
enough to account for his failure, it must be remembered
that he himself was a child of the age. In order to realise
his ideal of the Papacy, it was not enough to adapt himself
to the world, it was necessary to defy the world. A Pope
who could have reformed the Curia, and marshalled the
forces of Europe against the Turk in the fifteenth century,

348 POPE PIUS II

must have been possessed by the divine folly of the
mediaeval saint, who despised the world and its standards,
and was ready to fly in the face of reason and expediency
for the sake of an ideal that could only be realised in
eternity. Pius was ready to go out against the Turk
when there was reasonable hope that the States of the
Church would not be torn from him during his absence.
He was not prepared to stake his all upon a great venture.
He did the utmost that expediency sanctioned for the
cause of the Crusade ; but, while he was waiting for the
princes of Europe to follow his example, he built Pienza.
Thus he was not able to convince Christendom of his
sincerity, or to restore the fallen credit of the Papacy.
He takes his place in the long line of attractive failures
who have adorned the pages of the world's history. An
idealist, and at the same time a man of the world, high-
souled, large-hearted, and intensely human, he saw the
highest even while he failed to make it his sole end in
life. Both in his success and in his failure he is the mirror
of his age.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF AENEAS SILVIUS

Date of
Composition

1440 .

1440 .

H43 •

1444 .

1444 .

1444 .

1444 .

1446 .

1450 .

1450 .
I44O-I45O

1453 •

1453 -

Libellus Dialogorum de generalis Concilii authoritate

et gestis Basiliensium (KOLLARIUS, A. F., Ana-

lecta Monumentorum Vindobonensia, Vienna,

1762, t. ii. pp. 691-790).
Commentariorum . . . de Gestis Basiliensis Concilii

(sEneas Silvius, Opera quae extant omnia, Basel,

1551, pp. 1-63).
Pentalogus (Fez. B. Thesaurus anecdotorum novissi-

mus, Vienna, 1721-9, t. iv. 3, pp. 736 seq.}.
De Natura et cura equorum (WOLKAN, Dr. R., Der

Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini,

Vienna, 1909, Bd. i. Ep. 154).
De Curialium Miseriis (WOLKAN, Ep. 166 ; Opera,

ed. Basel, Ep. 166).
Eurialus et Lucretia (WOLKAN, Ep. 152 ; Opera, ed.

Basel, Ep. 113).
Chrisis (unpublished. MS. in Prag. Kodex Lob-

kowitz, 462).
De ortu et autoritate Romani Imperil (GOLDAST. M.,

Monarchiae S. Rom. Imperil, Frankfort, 1614,

t. ii. pp. 1558 seq. ; WOLKAN, Abt. ii. Ep. 3).
DC Rebus Basileae gestis (FEA, C., Pius II Pont. Max.

a calumniis vindicalus, Rome, 1823, pp. 31-115 ;

WOLKAN, Abt. ii. Ep. 44).
De Liber ovum Educatione (Opera, ed. Basel, pp. 965-

91 ; WOLKAN, Abt. ii. Ep. 40).
De Viris aetate sua Claris (Bibliothek des literar.

Vereins in Stuttgart, Bd. i., 1843 ; MANSI, J. D.,

Pii II P. M. Orationes, Lucca, 1755-9, t. iii. pp.

144-213).
Historia Gothorum (DUELLII, R., Biga librorum

rariorum. Frankfort, 1730).
Dialogus. Rome, 1475.

349

350 POPE PIUS II

Date of

Composition

1454 . . Historia de Ratisponensi dieta (MANSI, Orationes,

t. iii. pp. 1-85).
1456 . . Avtis Rhetoricae Praecepta (Opera, ed. Basel, pp.

992-1034).

1456 . . Commentarii in Libros Antonii Panormitae poetae de

dictis et factis Alphonsi regis (Opera, ed. Basel,
pp. 472-499).

1457 • • De ritu, situ, moribus et conditione Germaniae (Opera,

ed. Basel, pp. 1034-86).

1452-1458 . Historia Friderici III (KOLLARIUS, A. F., An. Mon.
Vindob., t. ii. pp. 1-475 ; JEneae Sylvii Opera
Geographica et Historica, Helms tad t, 1699-1700).

1458 . . Europa (Opera, ed. Basel, pp. 387-471 ; Opera Geo

graphica et Historica, ed. Helms tad t).

1458 . . Historia Bohemica (Opera, ed. Basel, pp. 81-143 ;
Opera Geographica et Historica}.

1461 . . Asia (Opera, ed. Basel, pp. 281-386; Opera Geo
graphica et Historica'}.

1463 . . Supra Decades Blondi Epitome (Opera, ed. Basel,

pp. 144-281).

1464 . . Commentarii (Pii Secundi Pont. Max. Com-

mentarii Rerum memorabilium, quae temporibus
suis contigerunt, A. R. D. JOANNE GOBELLINO,
Vicario Bonnen. jamdiu compositi, et a R. P. D.
FRANCISCO BANDINO-PICCOLOMINEO, Archiepis-
copo Senensi ex vetusto original! recogniti.
Frankfort, 1614. For passages omitted from
these first twelve books, CUGNONI, J., JEneae
Silvii, Opera Inedita, Rome, 1883, PP- I79~233-
For the thirteenth book, VOIGT, G., Enea Silvio,
Bd. ii. pp. 359-377)-

Epistolae. Principal editions, (i) Opera, ed.
Basel, pp. 500-962, giving four hundred and
fourteen letters. (2) Epistolae, ed. Niirnberg,
1481. (3) Epistolae, ed. Mediolani, 1473 ; fifty-
two letters belonging to the Papal period. (4)
VOIGT, G., Die Brief e des Mneas Sylvius voy seiner
Erhebung auf den papstlichen Stuhl (Archiv. fur
Kunde osterreichischer Geschichts-Quellen, Bd. xvi.
A list of the five hundred and fifty-nine letters of
the pre-Papal period known to Voigt, giving dates
of composition and references to sources, as well as
many letters hitherto unpublished. (5) WOLKAN,
Dr. R., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolo-
mini, Abt. i. Bde. i., ii., 1431-1445. Abt. ii., 1447-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1450 (Osterreichische Geschichts-Quellen, Abt. ii.
Bde. bd., Ixii., Ixvii.). The first volumes of a
collected edition of ^Eneas Silvius's correspond
ence. Invaluable to all students of the subject.
Orationes (MANSI, J. D., Pii II P. M. olim Aeneae
Sylvii Piccolominei Senensis Orationes politicae
et ecclcsiasticae. Lucca, 1755, 3 vols.).

B

OTHER WORKS CONSULTED

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AMMAN ATI, J. . Epistolce et commentarii Jacobi Picolomini

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(Anno xxiv, Firenze-Pienza, October 1905).
Pienza e Pio II. Numero unico pubblic-
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nascita di Enea Silvio Piccolomini.

Vita e fatti di Federigo di Monte feltro, duca
di Urbino (ed. Zuccardi). Rome, 1824.

Certayne egloges gathered out of a booke
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compiled by Eneas Silvius. London,
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Die Historia Frederici III des Mneas Silvio
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Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini in seiner
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BAYER, J.
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BONI, A. .

352 POPE PIUS II

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GOLDAST, M.
GREGOROVIUS, F.

HAGENBACH, K. R.
HEYWOOD, W. .

»> »> •

»» >» • •

INFESSURA, S. .

JAGER, A.

JORDAN, M.
KITCHIN, G. W. .
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LESCA, G.

LISINI, A., and LIBER-
ATI, A.
LITTA, P. .
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MALAVOLTI, O. .
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VOIGT, G. . . Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst

Pius II und sein Zeit alter. 3 vols.

Berlin, 1856-63.
,, ,, . . . Die Briefe des Aeneas Silvius vor seiner

Erhebung auf den pdpstlichen Stuhl

(Archiv fur Kunde osterreichischer Ges-

chichts-Quellen xvi.).
,, ,, . . . Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alter -

thums oder das erste Jahrhundert des

Humanismus. 2 vols. Berlin, 1880-

81.

WADDING, L. . . Annales Minorum, t. xii. Rome, 1735.
WATERS, W. G. . . Italian Sculptors. London, 1911.
WEISS, A. . . Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini als Papst

Pius II. Graz, 1897.
WOLKAN, R. . . Die Briefe des Eneas Silvius vor seiner

Erhebung auf den Pdpstlichen Stuhl.

Vienna, 1905.

„ ,, . . Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolo-
mini. Abt. i., ?' Briefe aus der Laienzeit

(1431-45)." Bd. i. Privatbriefe. Bd. ii.

356

POPE PIUS II

WOODWARD, W. H.

YRIARTE, C.
ZANNONI, G.

ZDEKAUER, L.

Amtliche Brief e. x Abt. ii., " Brief e als
Priester und als Bischof von Triest"
(1447 — 50) (flsterreichische Geschichts-
Quellen. Abt. ii. Bde. Ixi., bdi., Ixvii.).
Vienna, 1909-12.

Vittorino da Feltre, and other Humanist
Educators. Cambridge, 1897.

Education during the Renaissance. Cam
bridge, 1906.

Un condottiere au xv* siecle. Paris, 1882.

Per la storia di due amanti (Atti delta R.
Academia dei Lincei, serie iv. vol. vi.
Rome, 1890).

Per la storia d' una storia d' amove (Cultura,
vol. xi. Rome, 1800).

Lo Studio di Siena nel Rinascimento.
Siena, 1894.

Sulle origini dello studio Senese. Siena,
1896.

1 This latest volume came into my hands too recently for me to1,
able to refer to it in the text.

INDEX

Aachen, 40.

Abruzzi, 185, 187

Acherisi, Angela, 18
Francesco, 18

Adrianople, 306

Adversus Austriales, 123-4

^Egean Sea, 306

Africa, 28

Agincourt, battle of (1415), 297

Alain, Cardinal (Bishop of Avig
non), 142, 148, 152, 183, 244

Albania, 306

Albano, 239, 301

Albergata, Niccold, Cardinal of
S. Croce, 37-42, 46-8, 54, 89,
102, 122

d'Albret, Louis, Cardinal, 209, 246

Alcaeus, 307

Alexandria, Patriarch of, 307

Aliotti, 24

d'Allemand, Louis, Cardinal (Bishop
of Aries), 55, 62, 64-5, 67, 71,
81, 85, 104, 291

Alps, the, 31, 34, 37, 59, 66, 78,

IO9, 112, I2I-2, 191, 222, 317

Amalfi, 134

Duchy of, 266, 239. (Dukes of.
See Piccolomini)

Ammanati, Jacopo, Cardinal
(Bishop of Pavia), 14, 247-53,
275-6, 281, 329-36, 343

Ancona, 180, 295, 311, 328-34, 337,

341

March of, 265-6, 323
Andrenzio, Giorgio, 31, 121
S. Andrew's Head, 240, 301, 311-3,

34i

Angelico Fra, 144
Anguillara, Everso of, 197, 204-5
Aniene, 202
Anjou, John of, Duke of Calabria,

183, 185, 190-1, 212
Rene of, King of Provence, 154,

176-7, 183, 208, 210-11
Ansedonia, 114
Antioch, Patriarch of, 307
Apennines, the, 93, 163, 166, 332

Appiano, Jacopo, Lord of Piom-

bino, 27
Apulia, 187
Aquila, 190
Aquileia, Louis, Patriarch of

(fi439), 64

Alexander, Patriarch of, 85
Luigi, Patriarch of. See Scar-

ampo

Aquinas, S. Thomas, 256, 285
Aragon, Alfonso of (King of Aragon
and Naples), 12, 101, 112, 118,
134-5, 141, 152, 154, 183-4
Ferrante of (King of Naples),

143-4. 152, 154-5, 159, i?i.
176-7, 182-92, 208, 211, 265-6,
320, 323, 341

Isabella of (Queen of Naples), 184
John ii (King of Aragon), 162,

183

Maria of, 188, 265
Arc, Jeanne d', 297, 300
Arcimboldi, Niccold, 23
Arezzo, 30, 269

Antonio da, 10
Aristotle's Politics, 108-9
Aries, 104

Cardinal of. See d'Allemand
Armenia Minor, Urtebecus, Lord

of, 307
Arno, 163
Arras, Congress of (1435), 37-42,

46, 127

Bishop of. See Jouffroy
Artis Rhetoricae Praecepta, 287
Asia, 173, 298, 308
Asia, 298

Asia Minor, 297-8, 318
Aspach, 107

Assisi, 155, 160, 203, 332
Atti, Andrea, 203

Jacopo, 203

Augsburg, Bishop of (Cardinal), 142
S. Augustine, 286
Auribelle, Martial (General of the

Dominican Order), 254
Aurispa, Giovanni, 23, 164

357

358

POPE PIUS II

Austria, no, 123-4, 272« 299
Avignon, 50, 58, 60, 183, 189

Bacchus, 99

Baden, Charles, Margrave of, 168

Baia, 134

Bamberg, 224

Barbo, Pietro, Cardinal of S.

Marco (afterwards Pope Paul

n), 143, 149, 239, 257, 266, 338
Barclay, Alexander, 343
Basel, 23, 31-5, 39, 46, 50-3, 56-7,

59-66, 70-3, 75, 80-2, 88, 141,

150, 217, 225, 283, 286, 288,

290-1, 293, 318, 342
Council of ( 1 431-49), 2 1-2, 24, 26-

7, 31-6, 39, 4°> 46, 49-72, 80-5,

87, 91, 95-6, 101, 104, no, 207,

217-19, 284-5, 290-2
Bavaria, 107. (Dukes of. See

Wittelsbach)
Beati, Giuseppe, 340
Beaufort Henry, Cardinal (Bishop

of Winchester), 42, 44

4-1
(II

Beccadelli, Antonio (II Panor-

mita), 134

Bede, the Venerable, 45
Belgrad, Siege of (1456), 130, 293,

302

Benedictine Order, 255
Beneschau, 293
Benzi, Battista, 281

Socino, 281

S. Bernard of Clairvaux, 224
S. Bernard Pass, 31, 37
S. Bernardino, 20-22, 254, 300
Bessarion, Johannes, Cardinal

(Bishop of Nicea), 143, 150,

175, 216-7, 222, 228-9, 240,

312-3, 318-9, 335-6
Bicchi, Giovanni dei, 238
Biondo, Flavio, 248, 297
Black Sea, 125, 306
Boccaccio, Giovanni, 163
Bochow, Wenzel von, 109
Boetius, n, 285
Bohemia, 51-3, 109, 117, 123-4,

207, 214-20, 230, 293
Kings of. See Hapsburg and

Podiebrad
Bohemica, Historia, no, 141, 292-4,

299
Bologna, 163, 166, 314. (Bishop of.

See Calandrini)
Fra Lodovico da, 308-9
Bolsena, 203, 255
Boniface ym, Pope (Benedetto

Gsetani), 145

Bonifacio, Straits of, 28

Borgia, Alfonso. See Calixtus in,

Pope.
Caesar, 205
Pedro, 154-5, 158
Rodrigo, Cardinal (afterwards

Pope Alexander vi), 137, 143,

148, 150, 237-8, 257, 274, 313
Bosnia, 304-5, 318

Stephan, King of, 304-5
Botzen, 106-7
Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of

(1438), 49, 69, 154, 176, 178,

180, 207-11, 213, 217, 243-4,

296, 341
Braccio, Count of Montone, 251
Brenner Pass, 93
Brescia, 253-4
Breslau, 216, 220
Brixen, 142, 224, 226, 228, 232, 234,

240. (Bishop of. See Cusa)
Bruges, 43
Bruneck, 226

Bruni, Leonardo (Aretino),23, 108-9
Burgundy, John the Fearless, Duke

of, 128, 297
Philip the Good, Duke of, 40-3,

127-8, 170-1, 244, 308, 316-7,

319, 322-3, 328

Caccia, Gasparo, 47
Stephano, 68, 288
Calabria, 185, 187

John of. See Anjou
Calais, 41, 42
Calandrini, Filippo, Cardinal

(Bishop of Bologna), 141, 143,

146-7, 237
Calixtus in, Pope (Alfonso Borgia),

131-3, 136-7, 139-41. 143.

154-5, 169, 214, 239, 250, 293
Campagna, 159, 196-7, 204, 282,

301

Campagnano, 160
Campana, Giovanni, 7, 250-3, 308,

343-4

Campiglia, 20
Campisio, Giovanni, 79, 81-2, 88,

108, 121

Camporsevoli, 265
Canterbury, S. Thomas of, 42
Capistrano, Fra Giovanni, 126,

129-30
Capitulations, the (1458), 144-5,

151

Capranica, Angelo, Cardinal

(Bishop of Rieti), 243

Domenico, Cardinal (Bishop of

INDEX

359

Fermo), 23-5, 27-9, 31-2, 37,

47. 53. M3-4. 243, 251
Carinthia, 92, 120
Carmelite Order, 254
Carniola, 120
Carretto, Otto, 188-9, 199
Carvajal, Juan de, Cardinal, 21,

90, 95, in-2, 142, 174, 222,

240-2, 256, 293, 305, 319, 321,

331. 333. 386
Castel Giubileo, 330
Castello, Simonetta da, 184-6
Castiglione, Branda, Cardinal, 148
Cardinal (Bishop of Pa via), 126,

135, 138, 143, 148

Castiglione della Pescaia, 187, 265
Castro, Giovanni de, 318
S. Catherine of Siena, 50, 261, 273,

282, 341

Celano, Ruggiero, Count of, 190
Cerdano, Cardinal, 143
Cerina, 309
Cesarini Giuliano, Cardinal of S.

Angelo, 21, 33, 51-63, 70-1,

75, 86, 88, in, 225
Cesena, 196
Charles the Great, Emperor, 117,

315

Charles iv, Emperor, 117

Charles v, Emperor, 266

Chiana, Val di, 1,4

Chiemsee, Silvester, Bishop of, 75

Chiusi, 265

Chrisis, 282

Cicero, 13, 35, 60, 285

Cilly, Ulrich, Count of, 123

Civita Vecchia, 203, 318

Clermont, Council of (1096), 172

Cleves, John of, 170-1

Clovis, 315

Cologne, 31, 39, 40, 285
University of, 68, 285-6
Archbishop of, 91, 96, 170-1
Rupert of the Palatinate, Arch
bishop of, 233

Colonna, house of, 27, 189, 197,204
Antonio, Prefect of Rome, 158
Prospero, Cardinal, 102, 142,
144, 150, 156, 197, 244

Commentarii, 28, 157, 159, 168,
202, 205, 231, 250-1, 253, 255,
270, 295-7, 302, 307, 324,

343-5
Commentariorum de Gestis Basil-

iensis Concilii, 66, 69, 280, 290
Commines, Philippe de, 183
Compacts, the, with Bohemia (1436),

49. 53. 214-9. 293

Constance, Council of (1414-18), 50,

5L 55. 245, 291
Constantine, Emperor, 315
Constantinople, 124-6, 132, 219.

293. 3<>5-6. 3l8. 322
Corneto, 203
Corsica, 28
Corsignano (see Pienza), 1-7, 77,

161, 262, 266-9

Corvinus, Matthias, King of Hun
gary, 162, 305, 319, 338

Cosmographia, 141, 297-8

Creighton, Dr., 51, 300

Crete, Jerome, Archbishop of,
329-30

Crivelli, Leodrisio, 248

Crotti, Luigi, 36

Croy, Jean de, 170

Crusade, the, against the Turk,
125-6, 128-9, 132-3. 135. I38.
143, 145, 155, 157-8. 167,
169-70, 173. i?5. 179. 213, 216,

219, 221-2, 228, 230, 240, 277,
314, 316-24, 320-9, 332-3.
336-8, 348

Cumae, 134

Curia, the, 68, 80, 86, 92, 95, 122,
131, 137, 139, 142, 145-6, 158,

162, 186, 199, 207-10, 212,

223, 228, 231, 235-8, 245-6,

248-51, 256, 323, 347

Cusa, Nicholas of, Cardinal (Bishop
of Brixen), 68, 71, 135, 143,
158, 175, 194, 220, 224-6,
234, 239-40, 245-6, 285, 288

Cyprus, 30, 310. (Queen of. See
Lusignan)

Dalimil, 294

Dante Alighieri, 163

Danube, 304

Dati, Agostino, 152-3

De Curialium Miseriis, 76-7, 343

De Liberorum Educatione, no, 288,

298, 342

Demosthenes, 60
Denmark, 34
De Ortu et autoritate Roman i Itn-

perii, no, 284-5
De Rebus Basiliae gestis, no, 291
De Viris Claris, 293
Dialogorum de Generalis Concilii

authoritate, 68, 71, no, 283,

285, 288, 297
Die\ County of, 211
Domenichi, Domenico dei, Bishop

of Torcello, 144
Dominican Order, 253-4

360

POPE PIUS II

Donauwerth, 221
Douay, 40
Dover, 46
Dunbar, 43
Durham, 45

Eastern Church, the, 56, 125, 172,

240

Eichstatt, John Bishop of, 166
Elba, 27
Empire, the, 82, 85, 91, 94, 104,

106, 116, 118, 120, 129, 137-8,

220-1, 230, 284-5, 297, 304
Engelbert, 285
England, 42, 44, 314, 317, 343

Henry vi, King of, 317
Entellus, n

Ermland, Bishopric of, 136
Eroli, Bernardo, Cardinal (Bishop

of Spoleto), 243
Este, Borso d', 152, 163-4, l85»

314

Estouteville, Guillaume d', Cardinal
(Archbishop of Rouen), 142-3,
146—50, 152, 310

Eugenius iv, Pope (Gabriel Con-
dulmier), 27, 32, 35-7, 46,
52-7, 61-3, 65-6, 69, 81, 85-
97, 100-3, JII> J97, 2IO» 24°>
254, 284, 290-1.

Eurialus et Lucretia (De Duobus
amantibus), 15-18, 99, 343

Europa, 141, 298

Europe, 8, 32, 34, 38, 51, 69-71, 80,
83, 126-7, 130, 132, 153-5,
157, 166, 171, 176, 180-1,
206-7, 2I4» 2I9, 226, 235, 266,
289, 291, 293, 297, 303-8, 310,
314, 316-18, 323, 326, 339,
342> 347-8

San Fabbiano, 186

Fabbriano, 332

Fano, 195

Felix v, Antipope. See Savoy,
Amadeus vin, Duke of

Feltre, Vittorino da, 15, 165

Ferrara, 24, 112, 152, 163-4, J85>
188, 281, 317

Fiano, 330

Fiesco, Cardinal (Archbishop of
Genoa), 142, 149, 151

Filelfo, Francesco, 22-4, 171, 247-9

S. Fiora, Counts of, 20

Florence, 22-24, 27> 3°, 34> 36-7,
57-8, 60-1, 108, 153, 161-3,
165, 172, 184-5, 189, 192, 195,
211, 270, 296, 322, 326

Florence, Archbishop of, 101
Foligno, 1 60
Formello, 197

Forteguerra, Niccold, Cardinal
(Bishop of Teano), 243, 257,
329
Vittoria, 3, 4, 6, 7, 13, 87, 98,

121, 198, 262-3

France, 37, 50, 68—9, 148, 154-5,

176-8, 180, 182-4, 188-9, 195,

207-214, 220, 228, 243-5, 253,

304, 308, 316-7, 329, 341

Charles vu, King of, 40, 41, 52,

154, 176, 178, 207-9, 228, 308
Charles vin, King of, 191
Louis xi, King of, 208-14, 217,
219, 244-5, 296, 308, 317,
328-9

S. Francis of Assisi, 160
Franciscan Order, 253-4
Franck, Sebastian, 298
Frankfort, 91, 230-1

Diets of (I432), 351 (*442). 73 ;

(1446), 93-5; (1454), i2
Frederici III, Historia, no, 141,

292, 294-5

Frederick I, Emperor, 295
Frederick in, Emperor. See Haps-

burg

Freisingen, Bishopric of, 80-2, 85-6
Nicodemo delta Scala, Bishop

of, 35, 75, 80-1
Otto, Bishop of, 295
Frequens, Decree (1417), 51

S. Galgano, Abbot of, 95

Gazzaia, Tommaso della, Podesta of

Piombino, 28
S. Gemignano, 8, 10
Geneva, Lake of, 37-38
Genoa, 27-30, 142, 172, 211, 318,

322

Archbishop of. See Fiesco
German neutrality, Declaration of

(1438), 49, 69, 80, 82-3, 85-6,

90-1, 94, 96, 154, 284
Germania, 39, 140-41, 286, 288
Germany, 50, 69-70, 78-80, 84, 86,

90-1, 95-8, loo-i, 103, 120,

122, 125-6, 129-31, 136-40,

146, 158, 176, 207, 213, 220-

5, 284-6, 288, 293, 308, 323,

342~3
Giblet, Moses, Archdeacon of

Antioch, 307
Giglio, 187, 265
Giotto, 54
Gobellinus, Johannes, 343-5

INDEX

361

Gonzaga, Carlo, 105

Francesco, Cardinal, 246, 275
Lodovico, Marquis of Mantua,
164-5, 246, 275

S. Gothard Pass, 31

Gothorum, Historia, 297

Gozzoli, Benozzo, 156

Graz, 121-2, 125

Greater Iberia, Gorgora, Duke of,

307

Gregory i, the Great, Pope, 273
Gregory xv, Pope (Alessandro

Ludovisio), 340
Grenoble, 219
Griinwalder, Johann, 81-2
Gualdo, 155
Guarino, 164
Gubbio, Antonio da, 218
Guglielmi, Bartolomeo, 263

Hapsburg, house of, 94, 174
Albert n, Emperor, no-ii
Albert of, Archduke of Austria,

114, 174, 233

Frederick in, Emperor, 70, 73-
5, 78-9, 81-4, 85-91, 97-8,
101, 103-5, IO7> IIO> II2-3i,
133-4. 139-4°, 163, 167-8,

174, 176, 22O-I, 223-4, 228-3O,
233-4, 28l, 284, 292-3, 303,
308, 319

Ladislas Postumus of, King of
Hungary and Bohemia, 109-
10, 114, 118, 122-4, X38, 140-
i, 214,293

Maximilian i, Emperor, 342
Rudolf i, Emperor, 39
Sigismund of, Count of Tyrol,

93, 98, 175, 224-7, 229, 232-4
Heimburg, Gregorius, 92-4, 174-5,

208, 224-9, 231-2, 234-5
Hinderbach, Johann, 131, 167, 342
Hohenzollern, house of, 94, 221-2,

228-9, 233

Albert Achilles of, Margrave of
Brandenburg, 124, 176, 221-2,
230—1
Barbara of, Marchioness of

Mantua, 165
Frederick n of, Elector of

Brandenburg, 94, 221, 229
Homer, 125

Humiliati, Order of, 254
Hundred Years War, the, 37, 40,

297

Hungary, 34, 109, 123-4, M2. i?3.
222, 241, 305, 317, 319-21,
327, 339

Hungary, Kings of. See Corvinus

and Hapsburg
Hunyadi, John, 130, 301-2
Hus, John, 294
Hussites, 49, 51-3, 141, 215-18,

293-4

Imperial Chancery, the, 71, 76, 82,

109
Electors, 83-4, 90-6

Innamorato, 196-8

Ischia, 190

Isidore of Russia, Cardinal, 143, 150

Italy, 10, 23, 27-8, 31, 34-6, 57-8,
66, 70, 75, 79, 86-7, 9°, 112-3,
117-9, 121, 128, 131, 135, 144,
149,152-4,159-60, 171,173,180,
182-4, l86, 188-9, 191, 193-4,
196, 199, 205, 210, 223, 226-7,
236, 239, 247, 253, 265, 268,
274, 278, 292, 397, 304-5, 307,
317, 320, 326, 329, 341

Jayme, Don, de Cordova, Cardinal,

" 246
Jayme, Don, of Portugal, Cardinal,

J43

Jerome of Prag, 294
Jerusalem, 172, 307
S. John, Knights of, 306
Jordanis, 297

Jordanus of Osnabruch, 285
Jouffroy, Jean, Cardinal (Bishop

of Arras), 209-10, 213, 244-6,

321
Julius Caesar, 299

Keppel, Hartung von, 284
Kostka, Sdenek, of Postupic, 216

Laibach, 121

Lefranc, Martin, 68, 288, 297
Leghorn, 114
Lesbos, 306-7
Lidge, 40
Lithuania, 314
Livy, 13

Lodi, Peace of (1454), 184
Lolli, Gregorio, 6, 13-14, 22-3, 121,
209, 249, 251-3, 275, 281, 333,

335

Niccold, 7, 13, 74
London, 42, 46
Longueil, Cardinal de (Bishop of

Coutances), 142
Loreto, 334

Lothair ii, King of Lorraine, 297
Louis the Pious, Emperor, 117

362

POPE PIUS II

Louvain, 40

Low Countries, 31, 40

Lupi, Mattia, 10

Lusignan, Charlotte of, Queen of

Cyprus, 309-10
Hugh of, Cardinal of Cyprus,

40-1

James of, 309
Lysura, John of, 95

Macrobius, n
Maderno, Carlo, 340
Mahomet n, Sultan, 305-6, 315
Mainz, 40, 233-4

Diet of (1461), 231-2

Archbishop of, 94, 139

Diether, Archbishop of, 222-4,

228-9, 231-3
Malatesta, Novello, 196
Roberto, 195

Sigismondo, Lord of Rimini,
162, 191-6, 199, 204-5, 266,
320, 323

Mantegna, Andrea, 165, 246
Mantua, 2, 157, 159, 162, 164-76,
178, 180, 182, 192-3, 200, 207,
226, 240, 251, 260, 263, 268,
275, 286, 296, 310, 314
Congress of (1459), 157-60, 165-
81, 196, 215, 224, 251, 267, 282,
304, 306, 331, 341
S. Maria delle Grazie, 174, 251
Marca, Fra Giacomo della, 253-4
Marin, Anton, 219
Marseilles, Archbishop of, 183
Martin v, Pope (Odo Colonna), 51,

in, 148
Marzano, Marino da, Prince of

Rossano, 183-4
Maso, Angelo di, 197
Tiburzio di, 196-9
Valeriano di, 196
Matteo di Giovanni, 272-3
S. Maurice, Knights of, 38, 67
Maximilian i, Emperor. See Haps-

burg

Mayr, Martin, 139-40
Medici, Cosimo dei, 163, 184-5, 239
Melcorini, house of, 200-1
Mesopotamia, King of , 307
Mila, Cardinal Luis Juan de, 143,

258

Milan, 6, 22-4, 30, 36, 58-9, 65,
104-6, 117, 142, 170-1, 180,
184, 188-9, 195, 236, 248, 296
Dukes of. See Sforza
Mincio, 171, 251
Mistra, 306

Mondavio, 192-3, 266

Montalcino, 269

Montaperto, 19

Monte Amiata, 5-6, 20, 203, 268-9

Monte Argentario, 114, 301

Monte Cavo, 301

Monte Cimino, 116

Montefeltro, Federico da, Count
(afterwards Duke) of Urbino,
162, 184-5, 192, 195, 198, 297

Monte Giordano, 92, 175

Monte Guasco, 332

Montemarciano, 265

Monte Oliveto, 4, 301

Montepulchiano, i, 2, 4

Monte Soracte, 330

Montferrat, 188, 322

Monza, 117

Morea, 306, 327

Muffati, house of, 200-1

Mtinster, Sebastian, 298

Naples, 113, 1 1 8, 134-5. 154. I59,

171, 176-8, 182-9, 193. 210-2,

236, 265-6, 323, 329
Kings of. See Aragon
Narni, 160, 311
Nassau, Adolf of (Archbishop of

Mainz), 232-3
Neapolitan Succession War, 182-91,

199, 205, 265
Nemi, 283, 301
Nero, 40, 313
Neustadt, 82, 120, 123-4, J76» 3*9

Diet of (1455), 129-30
Newcastle, 45
Nicholas i, Pope, 297
Nicholas y, Pope (Tommaso Paren-

tucelli, Bishop of Bologna),

47-8, 89-95, 102-4, 113, 116-8,

122-32, 141, 158, 247, 250, 282
Nicopolis, battle of (1396), 128
Nidastore, battle of (1461), 193
Nocera, 155
Noceto, Piero da, 28, 37, 39, 46, 60,

86, 88, 99, 108, 121-2, 132, 290
Norway, 43, 314
Novara, 36. (Bishop of. See Vis-

conti)
Niirnberg, 117, 124, 175, 227; Diet

of (1444), 83-4, 86; Diet of

(1461), 222, 228-30
Nymphilexis, 281

Oliva, Cardinal Alessandro (General
of Augustinian Order), 242-3,

3H
Opera quae extant omnia, 342

INDEX

363

Orcia, Val d', i, 4-5, 269, 271, 278
Orkney, Isle of, 44
Orsini, house of, 142, 160

Gian Antonio, Prince of Taranto,
183-4, 189-90, 197, 323

Prospero, Cardinal, 137, 142, 244
Orvieto, 200-1, 203, 261
Ostia, 241, 310
Otricoli, 331

Padua, 24, 255

Palaeologus, Constantine xui, Em
peror of Constantinople, 306
Demetrius, Despot of Morea,

306

Thomas, Despot of Morea, 279,
306, 310-1

Palermo, Archbishop of (Niccold de
Tudeschi), 88

Palombara, 196-7, 199

Papacy, 50, 52, 54, 56, 71, 104, 133,
139, 141-2, 145-6, 148, 152,
154-5, 158, 168, 178, 180, 182,
188-9, 192, 195, 197, 204-9,
211, 213, 216-9, 223-4, 227-8,
231, 235, 244, 247, 261, 265,
274, 284-5, 295, 318, 320, 341,

347-8
Papal Bulls, Execrabilis (1460), 178,

207, 227, 286
Ezechielis (1463), 322-3
In minovibus agentes (1463),

283, 286

Vocavit nos Pius (1458), 157
Papal States, 6, 155, 159, 180, 189,

199, 203-5, SGI. 335, 348
Parentucelli. See Nicholas v
Paris, Archbishop of, 177

University of, 50, 53, 208-9, 213,

343

Parma, 93

Passau, Leonardus, Bishop of, 107
Pastor, Dr. L., 343
Patras, 306, 311, 313
Patrizzi, Agostino dei, 249
Paul II, Pope. See Barbo
Paul v. Pope (Camillo Borghese),

339
Pavia, 58; University of, 36. (Bishop

of. S*£ Castiglione, Ammanati)
Pecock, Reginald, Bishop of

Chichester, 253
Pentalogus, 75, 79, 284
Pepin, King of the Franks, 315
Peretti, Cardinal Alessandro, 340
Persia, George, King of, 307
Perugia, 160-2, 199, 243, 250, 264
Petrarch, Francesco, 74, 163, 281

Petrioli, 238, 277

Petrucci, Battista, 115
Borghese, 265
Pandolfo, 265

Pfullendorf, Michael von, 114

Piccinino Jacopo, 134, 152, 155,
i59-6o, 183, 185-7, 189-90,
192, 197, 202
Niccol6, 37

Piccolomini, house of, 2-3, 20, 87,

164, 250, 260, 262-6, 278
^Eneas Silvius (Pope Pius n).
Born at Corsignano (18 Octo
ber 1405), 3 ; childhood, 4-7 ;
goes to the University of Siena
(1423), 8; relations with
Mariano Sozzini, 11-3; with
S. Bernardino of Siena, 20-2 ;
with Filelfo, 22-4 ; becomes
secretary to Cardinal Capra-
nica (1431), 24-5 ; travels to
Basel, 26-31 ; serves various
masters, 32-7 ; visits Ripaille,
38 ; Arras, 39-41, England
and Scotland, 42-6 ; returns
to Basel (1436), 46; attitude
towards the Council, 49 ; re
lations with Cardinal Cesarini,
53-4 ; joins the anti-papal
party at Basel, 63 ; activity
in the Council, 63-9 ; becomes
secretary to the Emperor
Frederick in (1442), 70-1 ;
crowned poet, 73 ; enters the
Imperial Chancery, 74-8 ; re
lations with Frederick in, 78 ;
with Chancellor Schlick, 79-
82 ; diplomatic activity, 83-7 ;
mission to Rome and recon
ciliation with Eugenius iv
(1445), 87-9 ; conduct of the
negotiations between Germany
and the Papacy, 90-6 ; tenders
the obedience of Germany to
Eugenius iv (1447), 97 ; moral
reformation, 99 ; ordained
deacon and priest, 100 ; made
Bishop of Trieste (1447), 103 ;
embassies to Milan (1447,
1449), 104-6 ; benefices, 106-
7 ; goes to Italy to prepare for
the Emperor's marriage and
coronation, 112 ; made Bishop
of Siena (1450), 113 ; per
forms the marriage between
Frederick in and Leonora of
Portugal at Siena, 114-5;
accompanies the Emperor and

364

POPE PIUS II

Empress to Rome, 116-8 ;
returns to Germany (1452),
1 20— 2 ; defends Frederick in
against the Austrians, 123
receives the news of the fali
of Constantinople (1453), 125 ;
efforts for a Crusade at Regens-
burg, 126-7 > at Frankfort, 129 ;
at Neustadt, 130 ; goes to
Rome to renew the obedience
of Germany on the accession
of Calixtus in (1455), 131 ;
visits Naples, 134 ; made
Cardinal Priest of S. Sabina
(18 December 1456), 135 ;
life in Rome, 135-40 ; literary
work, 140-1 ; enters the Con
clave (16 August 1458), 141 ;
elected Pope, 150 ; takes the
name of Pius n, 151 ; sum
mons the Congress of Mantua,
157 ; leaves Rome for Mantua
(20 January 1459) ; visits
Perugia, 160; Siena, 161 ; Flor
ence, 162 ; Bologna, 163 ;
Ferrara, 163 ; enters Mantua
and opens Congress (i June
1459), 164-6 ; negotiations
with the Emperor, 167; Bur
gundy, 170; Milan, 171; the
German Princes, 1 74-6 ; France
176-8 ; leaves Mantua (19
January 1460), 180 ; supports
Ferrante of Aragon in the
Neapolitan Succession War,
182-91 ; subdues Sigismondo
Malatesta, 191-6 ; quells riots
in Rome, 197 ; Government of
the Papal States, 198-205 ;
relations with France, 207-14;
with Bohemia, 214-20; with
Germany, 220-35 ; the College
of Cardinals at the beginning
of his Pontificate, 237-42 ;
first creation of Cardinals
(1460), 242-3 ; second creation
(1461), 243-7 ; patronage of
Italian scholars, 247-9 ; his
friends : Goro Lolli, Jacopo
Ammanati, Giovanni Campano,
249-53 I reforming activity,
253-4 5 celebration of Corpus
Christi at Viterbo (1462), 255-
8 ; relations with Siena, 259-
62, with the Piccolomini, 262-
6 ; creation of Pienza, 267-75 ;
literary work : poems, 281-2 ;
pamphlets, 283-8 ; histories.

290-8 ; zeal for the1*1 Crusade,
304 ; reception of embassies
and fugitives from the East,
307-13 ; letter to Mahomet u
(1461), 315 ; resolves to go on
the Crusade, 316 ; negotia
tions with Burgundy and
Venice, 317-9; speech to the
Cardinals, 320 ; preparations
for departure, 321-3 ; distrust
of Venice, 326-7 ; defection of
Burgundy, 328 ; leaves Rome
(18 June 1464), 329 ; journey
to Ancona, 330-2 ; death
(14 August 1464), 334-6 ;
body brought to Rome and
buried in S. Peter's, 338-9 ;
transferred to S. Andrea della
Valle, 339-41
Piccolomini, Andrea, 187, 263, 265,

335, 339
Antonia, 263
Antonio, Duke of Amalfi, 158,

188, 190, 205, 211-12, 263,

265-6, 339

Caterina, 4, 160, 263, 267
Costanza, Duchess of Amalfi, 339
Francesco, Cardinal (Archbishop

of Siena, afterwards Pope

Pius in), 243, 253, 263-4, 329-

3°. 339-4°
Francesco Bandini (Archbishop

of Siena), 344-5
Giacomo, 263, 265
Giovanni, Cardinal, 344
Laudomia, 4, 263, 267
Montanina, 263
Niccolo, 321

Ottavio, Marshal, 263, 266
Silvia, 265, 339
Silvio, 263
Silvio, Conte, 278
Silvius Postumus, 3, 4, 6, 7, 87,

98, 198, 262-3
Vittoria, 265

Pienza, 1-7, 191, 203, 266-79, 348
Cathedral, 269, 271-6, 278
Church of S. Francesco, 262, 267
Church of SS. Vito e Modesto, 6,

273
Palazzo Piccolomini, 2, 270-1,

273. 275-6, 278

Palazzo Publico, 2, 274-5, 278
Piazzo Pio Secondo, 2, 270-1,

273-5, 278-9
Pinan, Jean, 65

Pintoricchio (Bernardino Biagio),
26, 114, 264

INDEX

365

Piombino, 27, 28

Pisa, 114, 329

Pistoia, Antonio da, 152

Pitigliano, Aldobrando Orsini,

Count of, 192
Pius /Eneas, 151
Pius i, Pope, 151, 273
Pius u, Pope. See Piccolomini,

./Eneas Silvius
Pius in, Pope. See Piccolomini,

Francesco
Pizzolpasso, Francesco, Archbishop

of Milan, 58, 65-6, 74, 75
Platina, Bartolomco, 3, 248, 343
Plato, 125
Po, 164
Podiebrad, George, King of

Bohemia, 162, 189, 213-20,

233-4, 229-30, 233
Poggio Bracciolini, 23, 108
Poliziano, Angelo, 246
Pontano, Lodovico, 64, 71, 88
Porcaro Conspiracy, the, 197
Porto, 242
Porto Venere, 28
Portugal, Leonora of, Empress,

1 1 2-8

Portus Herculis, 114

Prag, 99, 109 ; Diet of (1462), 218-20

Archbishop of (Rokykana), 216

Jerome of, 294
Pulkawa, 294

Rabstein, Prokop von, 109, 216-7

Radicofani, 261

Ragusa, 333

Regensburg, Congress of (1454),
126—9, I58, 168, 221, 293

Rhine, 31, 34, 39-40

Rhodes, 307, 310

Rhone, 211

Rimini, 162, 191, 195-6

Ripaille, 38-9, 66-7

Rolin, Cardinal, 142

Romagna, 164, 185, 187

Romano, Paolo, 194

Rome, i, 5-6, 21, 50, 54, 74, 81-2,
84, 87, 89-95, 97. 100-1, 108,
in-3, 115-8, 122-3, I3I-3.
135-7. 139. i4!-3. M8, 152-3.
i57-6o, 169, 174, 182-3, I89,
193, 196-8, 200, 202-4, 206,

208, 211, 213-7, 2I9-2O, 222,
226, 229, 237, 240-2, 245,
247-9, 253, 265-6, 268-9, 277,
279, 284, 292-3, 297, 301,
304-12, 318-20, 322-3, 327-9,
332, 338-9, 341

Rome, S. Andrea clulla Vallc, Church

of, 339-41
Capitol, 1 1 6, 198
Colosseum, 116
Diocletian, Baths of , 116
Hadrian's Mole (Castel S. Angelo),

1 1 6, 155, 158, 265
Lateran Palace, 117, 156
S. Maria in Cosmedin, Church of,

117
S. Maria Maggiore, Church of,

142
S. Maria sopra Minerva, Convent

of, 102
S. Maria del Popolo, Church of,

312-3

Pantheon, 116, 196
S. Peter's, 54, 116-7, I5I» J94»
203, 240-1, 261, 264, 301,
312-3, 330, 339-41
Ponte Molle, 159, 311, 330
S. Spirito, 310

Vatican Palace, 141, 143-4, X56>
159, 199, 220, 282, 309-10,
313. 332, 340, 343
Rosate, Isidoro de, 57-8, 74
Rosmini, Carlo, 23
Rossano, Prince of. See Marzano
Rossellino, Bernardo, 268, 273-4
Rouen, Archbishop of. See Estou-

teville

Bailli of, 177

Roverella, Bartolomeo, Cardinal
(Archbishop of Ravenna), 190,

247

Lorenzo, 138
Rudesheim, Rudolph von, 231

Sabina, 197-8

Sala, Gentile dclla, 201, 204

Salerno, 134

Sallust, 285

S. Salvatore, Abbadia, 6, 269

Salzburg, Burchard, Archbishop
of, 243

Sano di Pietro, 272

Sappho, 307

Sarantana, Val, 106

Sardinia, 28

Sarno, 185-6, 196

Sarzana, 102, 254

Savelli, Jacopo, 196-8, 204

Savoy, 56, 188, 310, 322

Amadeus vm, Duke of (Anti-
Pope, Felix v), 38-9, 66-70
81, 83, 85, 91, 94, 104, 290-2
Louis, Duke of, 167, 310
Louis of, 309

366

[POPE PIUS II

Scanderbeg (George Castriotes), 306
Scarampo, Luigi, Cardinal (Patri
arch of Aquileia), 89, 142, 169,
237-9, 242, 244
Schlick, Heinrich, 80-2

Kaspar, Imperial Chancellor, 16,
74-6, 79-82, 93, 103-4, in,
281
Scotland, 42-4

James i, King of, 41, 43
Segovia, John of, 71, 104, 290-1
Semendria, 304-5
Seneca, 285

Senftleben, Heinrich, 136, 138, 167
Sermini, Gentile, 18
Servia, 304
Sessa, Bishop of, 196
Sforza, Alessandro, Lord of Pesaro,

184-6
Bianca Maria, Duchess of Milan.

See Visconti

Francesco, Duke of Milan, 104-6,

117, 144, 152, 162-3, 170-1,

173, 180, 182, 184, 187-8,

192-4, 296, 322, 329

Galeazzo Maria, Duke of Milan,

163

Ippolita, 165
Sicily, 34
Siena, 2-3, 5, 8-10, 16-7, 21, 23-5,

27, 37, 53, 57-8, 7*. 73, 77, 79,
87, 95, 112-6, 121-2, 131,

134, 136, 143, 152-3, 158,

I6I-3, 185, 192, 196, 200, 209,

215, 238, 249, 254, 259-66, 268,

270, 272, 277, 281, 290, 300,
307, 322, 327, 334
Cathedral, 9, 19-20, 113, 153,

261

Council of (1423), 51
S. Francesco, Church of, 20, 263
Hospital of Santa Maria della

Scala, 9

Loggia del Papa, 266
Monti (Factions), 8, 20, 161,

259-62

Pastimes of, 15, 18-20
Piazza del Campo, 9, 15, 20, 300
Piccolomini Library, 26, 264
University of, 7, 9-13, 114, 286
Sigismund, Emperor, 15, 52, 57,

74, no-i
Simplon Pass, 31
Sinigaglia, 192-3, 195, 266
Sinope, 306
Sixtus iv, Pope (Francesco della

^ Rovere), 266
Sixtus v, Pope (Felice Peretti), 340

Sluys, 43-4

Soest, 170

Sonnenberg, 225-6

Sozzini, Mariano de', 11-3, 15-6,

22, 121

Spain, 34, 314
Specchio, Bonanno, 198
Speyer, 39, 222
Spoleto, 160, 263, 331-2 ; Giovanni

da, 10

Strassburg, 39, 98 ; Bishop of, 67
Styria, 121, 126
Subiaco, 202
Sweden, 314

Symonds, John Addington, 277
Szech, Dionys, Archbishop of Gran,

109-10

Tabor, 293-4

Taranto, Archbishop of (Giovanni
da Tagliacozzo), 81, in

Prince of. See Orsini
Tauss, battle of (1431), 51
Taz, Wilhelm, 76, 82
Tebaldo, Cardinal, 143, 150, 169,

197, 247
Terence, 282
Terni, 160, 331
Terracina, 187, 301
Thames, 42
Theatines, 339
Thirty Years War, 263
Thucydides, 43
Tiber, 160, 301, 330-1
Tivoli, 197, 202, 254, 298, 300, 319
Tizio, Sigismondo, 15
Todeschini, Nanni, 263, 265
Todi, 190, 203, 263
Tolfa, 31 7-8, 341
Tolomei, Bartolomea, 7

Jacopo, 112

Tomasio, Francesco, 152
Torquemada, Juan de, Cardinal,

71, 95, 143, 150, 256
Toulouse, Seneschal of, 212
Tournay, 40
Tozio, Luca da, 197
Trajan, 242

Trasimeno Lago di, 161
Traversari, Ambrogio, 71
Trebizond, Empire of, 306 ; David,

Emperor of, 307
Trent, 65, 107

Trier, Archbishop of, 91, 96, 231
Trieste, 3, 103-4, IO7» "o-i, 167
Troja, 189
Tronto, 185-6
Turk, 21, 62, 124-5, 127, 130, 132,

INDEX

367

143, 150, 155, 157, 169, 171,

173, 176, 179, 194, 210, 213,
215, 219, 222, 239, 254, 277,
279, 302, 304-9, 312, 314, 316-
20, 323-4, 326-7, 336, 338-9,

347-8
Tuscany, 4, 161, 203, 256, 262, 269,

275, 277, 301
Tuschek, Johannes, 109
Tweed, 45

Udine, 60-1

Umbria, 160

Urban n, Pope (Otto, Bishop of

Ostia), 173
Urban iv, Pope (JacopoPantaleone),

256
Urbino, 192. (Count of. See

Montefeltro)

Valence, County of, 211

Vallombrosa, 254

Varna, battle of (1444), 21, 62

Vecchietta, 272-3

S. Veit, 121

Venice, 39, 57-8, 105, 118, 169, 172,
188, 195-6, 219, 254, 305-10,
316-9, 322-4, 326-7, 329,

336-9
Doge of (Cristoforo Moro), 317,

323-4, 334, 336-8, 341
Doge of (Prospero Malipiero),

316-7

Venus, 20, 30, 99
Verena, Abbess of Sonnenberg,

225-6
Vergil, n, 13, 69, 151

Via Appia, 204

Via Francigena, i

Vienna, 71, 75, 100, 103, 120, 124,

233, 292, 299
Concordat of (1448), 49, 104, no,

224, 232
Diets of (1452), 123-4; (I46o),

222-3

University of, 123
Visconti, Bartolomeo, Bishop of

Novara, 22-3, 35-7
Bianca Maria, Duchess of Milan,

165, 306

Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan,
27-8, 35-6, 57-9, 63, 65, 104,
in

Gian Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, 6, 8
Vitelleschi, Bartolomeo, Bishop of

Corneto, 193, 244
Viterbo, 141, 203, 212, 255-8, 282-3,

313
Voigt, Dr. Georg, 302

Wittelsbach, house of, 221-2, 228,

233
Frederick i, Elector Palatine, 223,

231, 233
Louis of, Duke of Bavaria, 127-8,

221

Wolkan, Dr. Rudolf, 343
Worms, 39-40

York, 45

Zamora, Bishop of, Cardinal, 133-

4, M3

Zbigniew, Bishop of Cracow, 109

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FICTION

29

THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES.

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OF A THKONK. Illustrated. Fourth

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LOVE THE HARVESTER : A STORY OF

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Mrs. M. E.

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*BOTOR CHAPERON, THE. C. N. & A. M.
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"JOSEPH IN JEOPARDY. Frank Danby.

LADY BETTY ACROSS THE WATER. C. N.
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SAITU, THE FISHERMAN.
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Marmaduke Pick-

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TALES OF MEAN STREETS. Arthur Morrison.

TERESA OF WATLING STREET. Arnold
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TYRANT, THE. Mrs. Henry de la Pasture.
UNDER THE RED ROBE. Stanley J. Weyman.
VIRGINIA PERFECT. Peggy Webling.

WOMAN WITH THE FAN, THE. Robert
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HUMAN BOY, THE. Eden Phillpotts.
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*LATE IN LIFE. Alice Perrin.
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MASTER OF MEN. E. Phillips Oppenheim.
MIXED MARRIAGE, A. Mrs F. E. Penny.

PETER, A PARASITE.

E. Maria Albanesi.

Sir Gilbert

POMP OF THE LAVII.ETTES, THE.
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PRINCE RUPERT THE BUCCANEER. C. J.
Cutcliffe Hyne.

*PRINCESS VIRGINIA, THE. C. N. & A. M.

Williamson.

PROFIT AND Loss. John Oxenham.

RED HOUSE, THE. E. Nesbit.

SIGN OF THE SPIDER, THE. Bertram Mitford.

SON OF THE STATE, A. W. Pett Ridge.

Printed by MORKISON & Giun LIMITED, Edinburgh

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